Hannay revels in Machiavellian glory

[Agamemnon]

The following leader article appeared in Cyprus Weekly of Nicosia on 10
December 2004.

"Hannay revels in Machiavellian glory

THE deep British involvement in Cyprus and intense desire to see the
Whitehall-inspired Annan Plan accepted was revealed in all it's
Machiavellian glory this week by Lord David Hannay, the long-time British
special envoy on Cyprus.

Speaking in London this week the good Lord, who is generally believed to be
the "ghost writer" who penned the controversial plan, naturally praised the
Turkish Cypriots for their rush to accept what is, after all his brilliant
brain child, and, of course, he blamed the Greek Cypriots for rejecting it.

Hannay mocked the vast majority of Cypriots on both sides who react to the
intense efforts of Britain and the United States to impose a plan made
bespoke to fit their own and Turkey's measurements, and for seeing
"conspiracies'' as he put it, behind every such attempt. He said he was
tempted at a time to pull out a piece of paper from his pocket "and announce
that here I held the secret British blueprint for the future of Cyprus.'' He
does not seem to realise that the vast majority of Greek Cypriots feel that
this is exactly what he did with the presentation of the Annan, or should
one say, Hannay, Plan!

The good Lord - or should he be referred to as the "exalted'' one for his
untiring efforts? - then went as far as to declare, no doubt with his tongue
in his cheek, that "the future of Cyprus lies in the hands of Cypriots."

He is, of course, closing his eyes and ears to the overwhelming pressure
exerted on the people to accept the Annan Plan, and the US warning that they
will be hit by a ton of bricks if they dare to veto Turkey's progress
towards joining the EU if it does not recognise Cyprus.

In blaming the Greek Cypriot side, the exalted Lord sinks very low by
charging that "the Greek Cypriot administration,'' (not the
internationally-recognised Cyprus government, mind you), seems locked in a
time-warp of negativism.''

The Greek Cypriots rejected the Annan Plan overwhelmingly in the April
referendum for the primary reason that it violates fundamental human rights,
basic international law provisions and legitimises the Turkish war crimes of
ethnic cleansing and the influx of settlers from the mainland to the
occupied north.

They are consequently justifiably proud that they are indeed "locked in a
time warp of negativism'' by consistently refusing during the 30 years since
the 1974 Turkish invasion to consent to the legitimisation of Turkey's war
crimes as proposed by the backers of the Annan Plan.

The most telling thing about what Lord Hannay had to say is his total
silence on the need for any settlement to be based on respect for human
rights, the EU acquis, international law, and more than anything, the
judgements of the Human Rights Court of the Council of Europe that found
Turkey guilty of a series of war crimes as a result of its occupation of
north Cyprus.

It would be a good thing if the "exalted Lord," as a true representative of
the now outdated "perfidious Albion,'' realised that we now live in the 21st
century with its international War Crime and Human Rights Courts, which
defend the rights of ordinary people against the intentions of
neo-colonialist super powers.

The exalted Lord would be assisted in arriving at such a realisation if he
bothered to read the conclusions of the conference of eminent EU jurists
staged in Athens last week to deal with the "Constitutional and Legal
Principles for a European Settlement of the Cyprus Problem."

These legal experts unanimously denounced the Annan Plan as a legal and
constitutional monstrosity. They avoided using an adjective to describe its
author or authors.

He might also have reason to pause for thought if he read the article
published in the Turkish Cypriot newspaper Afrika, yesterday, by its
courageous editor Sener Levent, in which he talks about the daily ferries
arriving in the north, packed with poverty-stricken Turks eager to take
advantage of he prospect of TRNC 'citizenship'. He says that he would not be
surprised if soon the situation becomes so intolerable that Greek and
Turkish Cypriots would be living together in the south, while the north is
populated by hundreds of thousands of illegal settlers.

This is no time warp, Lord Hannay, it is happening now."
--
OXI ! NO ! to the Annan Plan
http://www.oxi-no.org/


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end

[June R Harton]

"Agamemnon" <***@hello.to.NO_SPAM> wrote in message news:41cb697f$0$19166$***@news-text.dial.pipex.com...

He is a disgusting traitor to humanity.


For fair use only:


MEDIA BYPASS

Vol. 8, #11, November 2000

pp. 28-31

Torturing Cypriot History
Hostile Environment of Yesteryear Still Remembered

by Matthew J. Stowell

As an American with no Cypriot or Greek ancestry, I understand how Cyprus'
complex and, to most Americans, obscure past can make many easy prey to the
disinformation fed our press by the Turkish government.

A common propaganda bite used by the Turkish state to legitimize its 1974
invasion of Cyprus is that "The Greek Cypriots then unleashed a campaign of
extermination and eviction that killed or wounded thousands and drove a
frightening percentage of Turkish Cypriots into besieged enclaves.."
(Insight Magazine, "Fences Might Be the Right Thing for Multiethnic Nation
of Cyprus", Ahmet Erdengiz, Feb. 7).

This claim has been refuted by findings of impartial sources such as the UN
Secretary General's report No. S/5950, para. 142 which confirms that as a
result of the brief but turbulent period of hostilities between Greek and
Turkish-Cypriot extremists from December 21, 1963 to June 8, 1964, a total
of 43 Greek Cypriots and 232 Turkish Cypriots are missing and presumed dead.
Clearly, this was no "campaign of extermination".

Moreover, these deaths were a direct result of Britain's documented policy
of arming Turkish separatists and encouraging Greco-Turkish conflict to
facilitate its control over Cyprus.

While extremists of both communities are to blame for intercommunal
violence, fueled by British attempts to prevent this overwhelmingly Greek
island-nation from achieving its self-determination, history is clear that
Turkish extremists initiated the cycle of violence that claimed victims on
both sides.

In June of 1958, a bomb explosion outside the information office of the
Turkish Consulate-- later shown to have been planted by Turkish extremists
(the "TMT")--set off the first intercommunal clashes on Cyprus. As noted by
British author Christopher Hitchens in his highly acclaimed work on Cyprus,
Hostage to History, the self-proclaimed president of Cyprus' occupation
regime, Rauf Denktash, admitted in a 1984 interview that it was a Turkish
Cypriot friend who planted the bomb. As a result, "Turkish Cypriots
promptly burned out a neighboring district of Greek shops and homes, in what
was to be the first Greek-Turkish physical confrontation on the island. A
curfew was imposed, and Greek guerrillas [were] blamed [by British
authorities] for the bomb as they were for everything else."

Next the British released from jail eight Greek Cypriot EOKA fighters,
forcing them to walk through the Turkish village of Guenyeli, where they
were quickly set upon and murdered. Thus began two months of violence by
extremists on both sides, killing 56 Greeks and 53 Turks. Tellingly, the
British arrested 2,000 Greeks, but only 60 Turks.

In addition to the hostile environment that was created by combatants on
both sides, there was a second factor that led to the polarization of both
communities: with a view toward partition, the Turks withdrew from
predominantly Greek areas and evicted Greeks from areas where Turks were in
the majority. In a single week over 600 families, two-thirds of them Greek,
left their homes, and many Turks who left Greek areas did so under intense
pressure from Turkish separatists.

Turkish Cypriots who favored compromise or a close relationship between the
two ethnic communities were targets of TMT violence. Turks caught smoking
Greek cigarettes or visiting Greek shops were beaten, and Turkish gangs
forced some Turkish Cypriots to resign from Greek Cypriot trade unions. In
Limassol, a Turkish Cypriot owner of a restaurant popular with Greeks was
threatened and later murdered by the TMT. Two progressive-thinking,
London-educated Turkish barristers who spoke against partition were killed
outright by these same Turkish gangs.

Turkish extremists forced several thousand Turkish peasants to abandon their
farms and animals and move into an overcrowded Turkish enclave in Nicosia.
"Thus the aim of partition, camouflaged by Turkish propaganda as
'federation,' was relentlessly pursued regardless of loss of human life and
the human misery created. However, this so-called 'first phase' of the
invasion of Cyprus by Turkey only partly succeeded, since well over half of
its brethren refused to obey instructions to abandon their homes for the
predetermined enclaves" (The Making of Modern Cyprus, Panteli). On December
23, 1963, Turkish gangs also moved through the Armenian quarter of Nicosia
and forced the inhabitants at gunpoint to leave their houses, shops, church,
school and clubs to make room for more Turks.

This forced population transfer continues in occupied Cyprus today. Since
1974, Turkey has relocated over 125,000 mainland Turks to northern Cyprus.
In this clearly illegal, Soviet-style effort to alter the demographics of
northern Cyprus, one which the UN has condemned, Turkey has displaced not
only the few remaining Greek Cypriots but also Turkish Cypriots, who are
often treated as second-class citizens and denied the rights and privileges
of the alien settlers from Turkey.

As a result, a diminishing number of Cyprus' indigenous Turks remain.
Turkey has made it easy for them to obtain visas to emigrate, and they have
left en masse, mostly for Britain and Turkey as well as other Mideast
countries; some have even escaped through the Green Line and returned to the
Greek south.

Apologists for Turkey's invasion disingenuously omit the imperative fact
that it is the Greek Cypriot community that bore the overwhelming brunt of
violence on Cyprus. As a result of Turkey's 1974 invasion, fittingly
codenamed "Operation Attila", Turkish troops perpetrated more than 6,000
killings, widespread rape, torture, the systematic obliteration of cultural
property including the destruction of churches, and the ethnic cleansing of
200,000 Greek Cypriots--making them refugees in their own country and
bringing twenty-six years of heartbreak for the families of more than 1,500
missing persons.

Placing Turkey's invasion of neighboring Cyprus in a contemporary context,
four times as many Greek Cypriots were killed by Turkish troops as Albanians
were killed in Kosovo prior to NATO's intervention--and in one-sixth the
time frame. Yet Serbia was bombed back to the Stone Age, while Turkey's
occupation of Cyprus continues to enjoy tacit US support.

In numerous applications to the European Human Rights Commission, Turkey was
found guilty of widespread violations of human rights in Cyprus. Although
the European Court of Human Rights has ordered the Turkish government to
compensate Greek Cypriot Titina Loizidou for the loss of her property seized
during its invasion, Turkey remains the only member of the 40-nation Council
of Europe to refuse compliance with a compensation order from its human
rights court -- a breach that could lead to Turkey's expulsion from the
Council.

The 1963 constitution forced on the Cypriots by the British in a
take-it-or-leave-it standoff--with the alternative being partition--was
known as "the most rigid, inflexible, and probably the most complicated in
the world" (S.A. DeSmith, The New Commonwealth and Its Constituents). The
president, a Greek Cypriot, and the vice president, a Turkish Cypriot, could
each veto legislation. Despite comprising only 18% of the population,
Turkish Cypriots were granted three of the ten seats in the Council of
Ministers and thirty percent of the deputy positions in the House of
Representatives. A Turkish Cypriot was to be made minister of defense,
foreign affairs and finance. Turkish Cypriots were allotted 30% of the
civil service jobs and 40% of the command positions in the Army. Any change
to the constitution required a two-thirds majority of representatives from
both communities. Even the most rudimentary of governmental functions
became impracticable--for example the Turkish Cypriot leadership's voting
against income and other taxes had placed the government in danger of
bankruptcy. In short, the government was hog-tied; Cyprus' very undoing was
written into its own constitution.

Other assertions by the Turkish government, that "President Makarios craved
union with Greece and the subjugation of Turkish Cypriots . and proposed
amendments to the constitution to achieve these objectives" (Insight
Magazine, Feb. 7), are patently false. By the time this ill-conceived
marriage of a government and its unworkable constitution was imposed on
Cyprus, Makarios was opposed to union with Greece. He sought complete
independence for Cyprus and a unified sovereign state that protected the
rights of all Cypriots, both Greek and Turkish.

It was precisely because Makarios opposed union with Greece that Greek
extremists shelled the presidential palace and twice attempted to
assassinate him. The amendments he proposed to the constitution were
designed to make the government (which has been described by legal experts
as "the first in the world to be denied majority rule by its own
constitution") somewhat workable and to reflect a closer approximation of
the true ratio of Greeks to Turks in Cyprus. Makarios submitted these
proposals to the Vice President, a Turkish Cypriot, who did not respond.
Instead, the Turkish government, reflecting its dominant role in separatist
efforts, answered for him: Turkey rejected the proposals out of hand and
forbade the Turkish Cypriots from even discussing them. Shortly thereafter,
the Turkish Cypriots abandoned the government completely.

Turkey's 1974 assault on Cyprus is commonly referred to by many in the media
as a "landing", a "dispatch of troops" or as anything other than what it
was: a brutal invasion. Turkey also misleadingly argues that the invasion
was authorized by the Treaty of Guarantee. The Treaty of Guarantee provided
that one of the guarantor powers (England, Greece or Turkey) could intervene
in an emergency but only in order to restore the country to its original
(unified) state, and certainly not to partition, ethnically cleanse or
occupy it. And under the U.S.-Turkey Agreement of July 1947, American
consent was required for the use of military force by Turkey because
virtually all of Turkey's military equipment, weapons, tanks and fighter
jets, was supplied by the U.S. This consent was never given. On the very
day of the invasion, July 20, 1974, the United Nations Security Council
condemned Turkey for its aggression, demanding that Turkey withdraw all
troops and allow the displaced Greek Cypriots to return to their confiscated
homes.

There have been at least three further UN resolutions since 1974 demanding
the same, but Turkey has ignored them all. This is why the "Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus," the TRNC, is not recognized by any country in
the world except for Turkey and has no legitimate international standing.

The continuing insistence on partition by Turkey, using the protection of
the Turkish-Cypriot community as a pretext, is merely part of Turkey's
long-held expansionist plans for the island. According to Professor John L.
Scherer, in Blocking the Sun: The Cyprus Conflict, "Since the 1950s, [Turkey
's] plan had been to turn northern Cyprus into a Turkish-run province.
Ankara needed an excuse to intervene, and that was provided by George Grivas
and EOKA fighters. If there had been no EOKA, however, the Turks and
Turkish Cypriots would have found another pretext. They would have planted
their own bombs in Turkish-Cypriot areas and blamed the Greek Cypriots in
order to justify the Turkish invasion."

Attempts are also made to minimize the 80% Greek majority's cultural and
historical claim to the island through assertions like: "Turkish and Greek
Cypriots occupied the island for centuries under a succession of sovereigns
before the Republic of Cyprus was established in 1960" (Insight Magazine,
Feb. 7).

Because of its geo-strategic position in the Mediterranean and the bounty of
its natural resources, Cyprus has been invaded and intermittently ruled over
by many: Phoenicians, Assyrians, Persians, Romans, English, Lusignans,
Genoese, Marmelukes, Venetians, Ottomans, and again the English. The
Ottomans invaded in 1571 and controlled Cyprus for three hundred years (its
longest period of cultural stagnation), but through all of its decidedly
civilized history it has remained a Greek nation in language, architecture,
art, music, culture and spirit.

As noted by Christopher Hitchens in Hostage to History, "the complexity and
variety of Cypriot history cannot efface, any more than could its numerous
owners and rulers, one striking fact. The island has been, since the Bronze
Age, unmistakably Greek." Out of 7,000 years of history, the Turks have
been in Cyprus a mere 300 years. Based on this and an 18% minority, Turkey'
s military establishment, with a seemingly truncated memory, believes that
Cyprus should be part of Turkey.

Most troubling for the future of Cyprus is the apartheid-like creed,
parroted by some journalists covering the issue, that Greek Cypriots and
Turkish Cypriots will never be able to live in harmony (although they did so
for three hundred years), therefore let's maintain the Attila Line that has
been imposed on both communities by the Turkish military and forget about
finding a solution. It is no accident that this is identical to the
argument used by Turkish extremists in the 1950s to promote the idea of
partition-one separate state for Turkish Cypriots, another for Greeks.

It is this very separatist objective-engineered by Turkey's ruling military
establishment to achieve its goal of taksim, or the partition of Cyprus (and
further exacerbated by Britain, America and the Greek junta's disastrous
intrigues in Cyprus)-that initiated the cycle of violence by extremists of
both communities in 1963 after centuries of peaceful coexistence.

While Turkey has refused to allow Greek Cypriot refugees to return to their
homes in the occupied north, the Cypriot Government has kept Turkish-Cypriot
homes in trust for them in the hope that they will one day return when
Cyprus is united.

Situated in the UN-controlled buffer-zone, Pyla serves as an example of what
can be achieved when the divisive effect of Turkey's occupation regime is
removed. It is one of the few villages on the island where Greek and
Turkish Cypriots still live together peacefully as they had done for
centuries.

A recent mobilization by Turkish Cypriots to find a blood donor for a
6-year-old Greek Cypriot boy with leukemia further underscores the
speciousness of the myth, propagated for the very purpose of keeping Cyprus
divided, that both communities are somehow inherently incapable of living
together.

Another disinformation bite promoted by the Turkish government and its
spindoctors here is that the Turkish-occupied part of the island functions
as a democracy.

As confirmed by the State Department's most recent Human Rights Report and
by independent human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and
Human Rights Watch, Turkey is among the worst human rights violators on
earth, where torture and extra-judicial killings remain a part of its
political landscape. For the fifth consecutive year the Turkish state has
led the world in imprisoned journalists ahead of China and Syria, and has
recently admitted to using death squads to kill as many as 14,000 people
since the 1980's.

As the TRNC is in reality a puppet administration that answers directly to
the Turkish state, the same authoritarian repression that afflicts Turkey
also pervades occupied Cyprus. Turkish Cypriots critical of Denktash's
occupation regime have asked that their identities be kept confidential, as
one economics professor did, for example, when interviewed by the BBC ("the
fact that she didn't want to be identified was significant", BBC News,
9/1/98).

The assassination of prominent Turkish Cypriot journalist Kutlu Adali in
1996 is instructive--his assassination is widely attributed to extremists
working on behalf of the Turkish state. According to Professor Claire
Palley, a British constitutional law expert, Adali was murdered six days
after the European Human Rights Commission declared Cyprus' application
against Turkey admissible and "after it became obvious he would have been a
witness" in the case. Adali's writings had been extensively quoted in the
application, and Palley stated that Adali "proved Turkey's colonisation of
Cyprus . . . [and its] compelling Turkish Cypriots to emigrate"

Anyone who wants to believe that the TRNC is a democracy will soon be
disappointed upon visiting occupied Cyprus, and taking note of the
square-helmeted, goose-stepping soldiers wielding machine guns on every
corner. Cross the Green Line in Nicosia into the Turkish sector and try to
photograph any building or videotape any street scene and you will soon find
yourself camera-less, in jail, or both.

That apologists of the occupation regime are under the misperception that
this is how a democracy should function is indeed part of the problem. And,
much like the situation with the former Berlin Wall, now there are Turkish
Cypriots from the north escaping to the south to return to their old
neighborhoods among the Greeks; their homes, as guaranteed by Cypriot law,
still waiting for them.

As was recently reported by Gregory Copley of The International Strategic
Studies Association in Washington DC, "[t]he Turkish Cypriots' standard of
living has declined compared with that of their Greek Cypriot neighbors
since 1974. Turkish Cypriots, with 37 percent of the land and the best
agricultural and tourist areas of the island, earn only 30 percent of the
average wage of the Greek Cypriots."

European Foreign Affairs Commissioner Hans van den Broek protested that the
Turkish Cypriot community was being "victimized" and withheld from "a better
and more prosperous future" as a result of Turkey's insistence on an
occupied and divided Cyprus.

An increasing number of Turkish Cypriots have realized that the future of a
prosperous Cyprus is a united one without Turkish troops. Rejecting the
hard-line partitionist stand of the occupation regime, in October 1999 an
influential bloc of 23 Turkish-Cypriot trade unions and professional
organizations appealed directly to visiting U.S. envoy Alfred Moses to work
for the reunification of war-divided Cyprus on the basis of UN Security
Council resolutions that call for a unified Cyprus and a withdrawal of
occupation troops.

The TRNC's occupation regime has trapped Turkish Cypriots in a political and
economic black hole, all the while importing Turks from the depths of
Anatolia to wrest control from Cyprus' native Turkish population. As a
result, as many as half of all Turkish-Cypriots have fled their own homeland
in search of greater economic and political freedom elsewhere.

In conclusion, it should be emphasized that there were extremists on both
sides of the Cyprus conflict, while power-brokering by colonial-minded
Britain and interventionist violence by junta-era Greece clearly added fuel
to the Cypriot powder keg. But insiders know that it was Turkish designs
for partition that ultimately caused the breakdown in government and the
terrible tragedy of 1974, the repercussions of which all indigenous
Cypriots, both Greek and Turk, are still suffering today.

Cyprus is Berlin all over again, with one difference. Rather than taking
the side of civilian-controlled governments, pluralistic societies, and
democratic values, our own government has instead decided to ratify
invasion, occupation, and transnational aggression in order to sustain an
alliance of increasingly questionable value.
_______

About the author: Matthew J. Stowell is an Associate with the American
Hellenic Media Project (AHMP), a non-profit think-tank created to address
bias in the media and encourage independent, ethical and responsible
journalism. Commentaries, letters and opinion/editorials by AHMP have been
published in The Boston Globe, The Chicago Tribune, The Christian Science
Monitor, The Dallas Morning News, The Detroit News, The Economist, The
Financial Times, Forbes Global, The Miami Herald, The New York Post, The New
York Times, The Toronto Sun, USA Today, The Village Voice, The Wall Street
Journal, The Washington Post, The Washington Times and World Press Review.

A shorter version of this article was published in the form of a letter to
the editor of Insight Magazine.

_________________

American Hellenic Media Project
PO Box 1150
New York, NY 10028-0008
***@hri.org
www.ahmp.org

The American Hellenic Media Project is a non-profit organization created to
address inaccuracy and bias in the media and encourage independent, ethical
and responsible journalism.

To be added to AHMP's e-mail distribution list, or to introduce AHMP to a
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From: Spirit of Truth

(using June's e-mail to communicate to you)!

[June R Harton]

"June R Harton" <***@prodigy.net> wrote in message news:Z5Oyd.5025$***@newssvr33.news.prodigy.com...

And here is PROOF of his diabolical lies...


"When we were trying to convince Turkey to allow the passage of our troops
through its territory in Northern Iraq, we gave Turkey two motives: several
billion dollars in the form of donations and loans and Cyprus in the form of
the Annan plan."
Daniel Fried (member of the National Security Council and special advisor to
President Bush), 26 June 2004




from: Spirit

(using June's e-mail to communicate to you)!

[I am Seanie]

Subject: Re: Hannay revels in Machiavellian glory
lobby!ngtf-m01.news.aol.com!ngpeer.news.aol.com!c03.atl99.usenetserver.co

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Date: Fri, 24 Dec 2004 06:09:59 GMT
Xref: lobby alt.news.cyprus:38722 soc.culture.greek:436321
soc.culture.europe:500351 soc.culture.usa:1731381 soc.culture.british:1072558
And here is PROOF of his diabolical lies...

Throughout history the nations which have exerted power in the Mediterranean,
have extended their sovereignty to include Cyprus because of its geostrategic
importance.

Prior to the conquest of Cyprus by the Ottomans the Island had been ruled by
the Venetians who were Catholics. The local Orthodox inhabitants of the Island
were oppressed by the Venetians who also removed the Orthodox Archbishop from
his post and banished him to a village where he was under constant
surveillance.

The Archbishop joined the Ottomans who had come from Istanbul for the purpose
of ridding the Island of Venetian rule and proposed that the Ottomans also come
to Cyprus.

The Ottomans under Sultan Selim II accepted the Archbishop’s proposal and in
1570-1571 they conquered the Island.

Christian countries were not pleased over the Ottomans conquering Cyprus.
Missionaries sent to the island by France and Russia tried to incite the
Orthodox population on the Island against the Muslim Turks. In 1600 after 30
years of anti-Ottoman propaganda and incitement, the Archbishop approached the
Duke of Savoy with the proposal that the Muslims on the Island be massacred
while sleeping and that Cyprus be annexed to Christian territories.

The Duke who was afraid of Ottoman might, turned down the proposal. However, it
should be borne in mind that the plan of having the Turks on the Island
massacred in one night, is also the aim of the Akritas Plan.

France and Russia exerted efforts to topple the Ottomans and in 1814 they
established the “Ethniki Eteria” Association in Odessa. The Ethniki Eteria
adopted a program called the “Megalo Idea”. The name of the organization
which was later changed in 1895 to “Megalo Ethniki Eteria”, adopted the
same program.

The headquarters of the Organization set up to overthrow the Ottomans was moved
to the Istanbul Patriarchate in 1820. In 1821 the Patriarchate led the churches
located within the boundaries of the Ottoman State in a revolt.

The Ottoman State, weakened by constant conflict lost the Ottoman-Russian War
in 1877. In order to benefit from the situation, Britain made a proposal to set
up a military post on Cyprus on a temporary basis for the purpose of helping
the Ottomans against a possible Russian invasion of Anatolia.

Britain established her sovereignty on the Island in 1878. The first move of
the British was to remove Turkish personnel from certain posts and replaced
them with Greek Cypriots.

The Greeks and the Greek Cypriots were encouraged by the stand taken by the
British and expressed their desire to have Cyprus annexed to Greece. During
World War I, when the Ottomans were allied with Germany, Britain proclaimed
Cyprus a colony on November 14, 1915. Britain mentioned the possibility of
having Cyprus annexed to Greece in the event the latter joined forces with
Britain. Greece did not enter the War but the possibility of annexation was
always kept alive. As a result, the Greek Cypriots staged an uprising aimed at
annexation in 1931.

The Turkish people and police sided with the British forces and the uprising
was quenched.

On January 15, 1950, Archbishop Makarios, in compliance with the developments
held a plebiscite in the churches on the Island and 96 % of the votes were in
favour of annexation. Britain and Turkey did not recognize the plebiscite.
However, the Greeks and Cypriot Greeks applied to the UN demanding that Greek
Cypriots have the right to self-determination. The UN then decided that should
such a right be given it should also be applicable to the other community on
the Island and that matter should be settled via dialogue between the
respective states concerned.

Realizing that annexation would not be achieved by peaceful means, the Greek
Cypriots and Greeks took a decision on March 7, 1953, during a summit in Athens
to form the EOKA terrorist organization with Greece supplying the necessary
weapons, equipment and also finances.

The EOKA terrorist organization went into operation on April 1st, 1955 when
Grivas issued the statement “We have two enemies before us; the British and
the Turks. We shall fight the British and they shall be banished from the
Island. As for the Turks, we shall annihilate them”.

In the face of the EOKA attacks, the British remained passive.

The Turkish side was unaware of what was taking place. EOKA at first launched
attacks on the Turkish police, shooting them from behind. They later began to
massacre Turks in villages. On August 1st, 1958, the Turkish Cypriot Resistance
Organization was established. The Turkish Government supported the
Organization. The activities undertaken resulted positively. The resistance put
up by the Turkish side goaded the British Government into action. The
Government on Cyprus envisaged granting both the Greek and Turkish
representatives a say in the administration by establishing a commission by the
Governorship of Cyprus. However, the Greeks and the Greek Cypriots did not
accept the proposal. When the Turkish representative officially assumed his
position on October 1st, 1958, fear took over the Greek side. The idea of
establishing a republic on the Island was proposed.

On February 11, 1958, the Foreign Ministers of Britain, Turkey and Greece met
in Zurich and a decision was reached to establish a republic in Cyprus.

Agreements were signed by the concerned parties. In his address on the same
day, Makarios said: “Our aim is not to establish a republic, but annex.”
The Republic of Cyprus was officially proclaimed on August 15-16, 1960. Under
the guarantorship of England, Turkey and Greece, sovereignty was granted both
to the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot Representatives. However the Greek
Cypriots have never accepted equal political status for the Turkish Cypriots,
nor the rights given to the Turkish-Cypriots by the Constitution. The Turkish
side took a decision to apply to Constitutional Courts. Makarios declared that
he would not accept the decision handed down in favour of the Turkish-Cypriots.
The Greek-Cypriots then launched a dastardly campaign against the German
chairman of the Constitutional Court, Prof. E. Forsthoff, accusing him of
taking bribes from the Turkish-Cypriots.

Makarios claimed that the Constitution could not be applied and consequently
prepared 13 articles to amend the Constitution. Proposal of amendments were
submitted to the Turkish Cypriot leadership and the guarantor states on
November 30, 1963. The Turkish Cypriot leadership did not approve of them and
they were also rejected by the Republic of Turkey.

On December 21, 1963 Makarios began his attacks on the Turkish inhabitants in
Lefko_a and Sinde (‹nönü). Since the world did not react, the Greek
Cypriots were able to carry out the “Bloody Christmas” massacre of Turkish
Cypriots on December 23-25, 1963.

Many Turkish Cypriots were killed and others were wounded, but they never
surrendered. They asked Turkey to intervene as a guarantor state. Turkish jets
conducted warning flights over Lefko_a on December 25, 1963. Makarios stopped
the Greek Cypriots from firing. However on December 26, 1963, he had the
defenseless Turkish-Cypriots in Ayvas›l captured and in a place on the
outskirts of the village he had them all massacred and their bodies thrown into
a hollow. In 1963 the Greek Cypriots attacked 103 villages and 24 thousand
Turkish migrants from the Greek Cypriot sector were killed. The civilized world
showed no reaction to the savagery applied to the Turks.

In the face of the situation Dr. Faz›l Küçük and Makarios both approached
the British Military forces to enter the Lefko_a Green Line which was done on
December 30, 1963, and thus the division of Cyprus was initiated. The British
were assigned the duty of protecting the defenseless Turkish-Cypriots against
the attacking Greeks. On March 4, 1964, the UN took a decision to dispacth a
Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus. This Force is still deployed on the Island today.


On January 1, 1964, Makarios unilaterally annulled the Cyprus Agreements. As of
this date Makarios levied taxes on the Turkish side and even taxed foodstuffs
donated by the Red Crescent.

Difficulties began to be encountered by the Turkish Cypriots who had received
some financial aid from Turkey.

On August 6-9 1964, the Greek Military attacked Erenköy before the very eyes
of the UN Peace Keeping Force Commander Timaya. They gunned down many Turks.
Upon the request of the Turkish Cypriots, Turkish jets intervened and the
Greeks stopped firing.

In 1964 Turkey took a decision to intervene but it was prevented by US
President Johnson on June 3, of that same year. On November 15, 1967, the Greek
Cypriots and Greek soldiers attacked Geçitkale and Bo¤aziçi where many Turks
were massacred. The Greeks, in their savagery went as far as pouring kerosene
over the 90-year-old village imam, burning him alive. They smashed the
telephones of the Peace-Keeping forces but there was no reaction whatsoever.

In the face of these events, Turkey decided to intervene. This time, the US
President did not send a letter. Cyrus Vance was appointed special
representative and was sent to Turkey. He halted the intervention. A decision
was taken to find a solution via bilateral talks, and the first meeting was
held in Beirut on June 3, 1968. Since this time, various meetings have been
held at various levels and this has been continuing up to the present. No
agreement has as yet been reached since the Cypriot Greeks have not abandoned
the concept of “ENOSIS” (Union with Greece). As matters stand, the chances
of reaching agreement are slim.

Makarios implemented a long-term program whereby the Turks were driven from
Cyprus. The Greek junta on the other hand, wishing to gain favour within the
country aimed at annexing Cyprus as soon as possible to Greece. Makarios
refused, bearing in mind the possibility of Turkey’s intervention and he
desired that the Greek forces under General Gizikis be withdrawn from the
Island whereupon the Greeks established the EOKA-B terrorist organization.
Makarios fled the Island and in his address to the UN Security Council on July
15, 1974 he said: “The Greeks have invaded Cyprus and Greek tanks are on the
streets. The Turks are also in danger”.

Turkey did not intend to invade Cyprus and the Turkish Prime Minister at the
time flew to London and suggested that joined intervention be immediately
undertaken. However , his proposal was rejected. Upon the insistence of the
Turkish Cypriots the Turkish Peace Operation was carried out on July 20, 1974.
Since Greece and the Greek Cypriots did not comply with the decision taken at
the Geneva Conference, the Second Peace Operation was launched on August 14-16
whereby the present boundaries of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus were
delineated.

The fact that Turkey was not an invader was confirmed by the Athens Supreme
Court on March 21, 1979 under resolution No. 2658/79 wherein it was stated:

“Turkey’s intervention in Cyprus is legal under Article IV of the Guarantee
Agreement. The junta is the guilty party.”

The Republic of Northern Cyprus was established with Rauf Denkta_ as its first
President within the boundaries drawn up by the Peace Operation on November 15,
1983.

Bearing in mind the events experienced by the Turks in Cyprus, a Cypriot
Federated Republic with a decentralized administration, bi-zonal, bi-communal
and rotating premier ship is the most ideal form of administration.

The Turkish Cypriot side has been involved in negotiations since 1964. However,
it has not been possible to reach any solution due to the fact that Greece and
the Greek Cypriots have not abandoned the idea annexing Cyprus to Greece. With
the aim of preventing a final solution from being reached, the borders of the
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus are being constantly violated with
unpleasant incidents. This state of affairs has and is still preventing a
peaceful solution to the problem. This will continue till such a time when all
respective states and international institutions will inform the Greek Cypriot
administration that they are not the sole legitimate government on the Island
and till such a time no positive result can be obtained from bilateral talks.

[June R Harton]

"I am Seanie" <***@aol.comSPODOFF> wrote in message news:***@mb-m15.aol.com...

You are a disgusting traitor to humanity for posting those lies!


For fair use only:


MEDIA BYPASS

Vol. 8, #11, November 2000

pp. 28-31

Torturing Cypriot History
Hostile Environment of Yesteryear Still Remembered

by Matthew J. Stowell

As an American with no Cypriot or Greek ancestry, I understand how Cyprus'
complex and, to most Americans, obscure past can make many easy prey to the
disinformation fed our press by the Turkish government.

A common propaganda bite used by the Turkish state to legitimize its 1974
invasion of Cyprus is that "The Greek Cypriots then unleashed a campaign of
extermination and eviction that killed or wounded thousands and drove a
frightening percentage of Turkish Cypriots into besieged enclaves.."
(Insight Magazine, "Fences Might Be the Right Thing for Multiethnic Nation
of Cyprus", Ahmet Erdengiz, Feb. 7).

This claim has been refuted by findings of impartial sources such as the UN
Secretary General's report No. S/5950, para. 142 which confirms that as a
result of the brief but turbulent period of hostilities between Greek and
Turkish-Cypriot extremists from December 21, 1963 to June 8, 1964, a total
of 43 Greek Cypriots and 232 Turkish Cypriots are missing and presumed dead.
Clearly, this was no "campaign of extermination".

Moreover, these deaths were a direct result of Britain's documented policy
of arming Turkish separatists and encouraging Greco-Turkish conflict to
facilitate its control over Cyprus.

While extremists of both communities are to blame for intercommunal
violence, fueled by British attempts to prevent this overwhelmingly Greek
island-nation from achieving its self-determination, history is clear that
Turkish extremists initiated the cycle of violence that claimed victims on
both sides.

In June of 1958, a bomb explosion outside the information office of the
Turkish Consulate-- later shown to have been planted by Turkish extremists
(the "TMT")--set off the first intercommunal clashes on Cyprus. As noted by
British author Christopher Hitchens in his highly acclaimed work on Cyprus,
Hostage to History, the self-proclaimed president of Cyprus' occupation
regime, Rauf Denktash, admitted in a 1984 interview that it was a Turkish
Cypriot friend who planted the bomb. As a result, "Turkish Cypriots
promptly burned out a neighboring district of Greek shops and homes, in what
was to be the first Greek-Turkish physical confrontation on the island. A
curfew was imposed, and Greek guerrillas [were] blamed [by British
authorities] for the bomb as they were for everything else."

Next the British released from jail eight Greek Cypriot EOKA fighters,
forcing them to walk through the Turkish village of Guenyeli, where they
were quickly set upon and murdered. Thus began two months of violence by
extremists on both sides, killing 56 Greeks and 53 Turks. Tellingly, the
British arrested 2,000 Greeks, but only 60 Turks.

In addition to the hostile environment that was created by combatants on
both sides, there was a second factor that led to the polarization of both
communities: with a view toward partition, the Turks withdrew from
predominantly Greek areas and evicted Greeks from areas where Turks were in
the majority. In a single week over 600 families, two-thirds of them Greek,
left their homes, and many Turks who left Greek areas did so under intense
pressure from Turkish separatists.

Turkish Cypriots who favored compromise or a close relationship between the
two ethnic communities were targets of TMT violence. Turks caught smoking
Greek cigarettes or visiting Greek shops were beaten, and Turkish gangs
forced some Turkish Cypriots to resign from Greek Cypriot trade unions. In
Limassol, a Turkish Cypriot owner of a restaurant popular with Greeks was
threatened and later murdered by the TMT. Two progressive-thinking,
London-educated Turkish barristers who spoke against partition were killed
outright by these same Turkish gangs.

Turkish extremists forced several thousand Turkish peasants to abandon their
farms and animals and move into an overcrowded Turkish enclave in Nicosia.
"Thus the aim of partition, camouflaged by Turkish propaganda as
'federation,' was relentlessly pursued regardless of loss of human life and
the human misery created. However, this so-called 'first phase' of the
invasion of Cyprus by Turkey only partly succeeded, since well over half of
its brethren refused to obey instructions to abandon their homes for the
predetermined enclaves" (The Making of Modern Cyprus, Panteli). On December
23, 1963, Turkish gangs also moved through the Armenian quarter of Nicosia
and forced the inhabitants at gunpoint to leave their houses, shops, church,
school and clubs to make room for more Turks.

This forced population transfer continues in occupied Cyprus today. Since
1974, Turkey has relocated over 125,000 mainland Turks to northern Cyprus.
In this clearly illegal, Soviet-style effort to alter the demographics of
northern Cyprus, one which the UN has condemned, Turkey has displaced not
only the few remaining Greek Cypriots but also Turkish Cypriots, who are
often treated as second-class citizens and denied the rights and privileges
of the alien settlers from Turkey.

As a result, a diminishing number of Cyprus' indigenous Turks remain.
Turkey has made it easy for them to obtain visas to emigrate, and they have
left en masse, mostly for Britain and Turkey as well as other Mideast
countries; some have even escaped through the Green Line and returned to the
Greek south.

Apologists for Turkey's invasion disingenuously omit the imperative fact
that it is the Greek Cypriot community that bore the overwhelming brunt of
violence on Cyprus. As a result of Turkey's 1974 invasion, fittingly
codenamed "Operation Attila", Turkish troops perpetrated more than 6,000
killings, widespread rape, torture, the systematic obliteration of cultural
property including the destruction of churches, and the ethnic cleansing of
200,000 Greek Cypriots--making them refugees in their own country and
bringing twenty-six years of heartbreak for the families of more than 1,500
missing persons.

Placing Turkey's invasion of neighboring Cyprus in a contemporary context,
four times as many Greek Cypriots were killed by Turkish troops as Albanians
were killed in Kosovo prior to NATO's intervention--and in one-sixth the
time frame. Yet Serbia was bombed back to the Stone Age, while Turkey's
occupation of Cyprus continues to enjoy tacit US support.

In numerous applications to the European Human Rights Commission, Turkey was
found guilty of widespread violations of human rights in Cyprus. Although
the European Court of Human Rights has ordered the Turkish government to
compensate Greek Cypriot Titina Loizidou for the loss of her property seized
during its invasion, Turkey remains the only member of the 40-nation Council
of Europe to refuse compliance with a compensation order from its human
rights court -- a breach that could lead to Turkey's expulsion from the
Council.

The 1963 constitution forced on the Cypriots by the British in a
take-it-or-leave-it standoff--with the alternative being partition--was
known as "the most rigid, inflexible, and probably the most complicated in
the world" (S.A. DeSmith, The New Commonwealth and Its Constituents). The
president, a Greek Cypriot, and the vice president, a Turkish Cypriot, could
each veto legislation. Despite comprising only 18% of the population,
Turkish Cypriots were granted three of the ten seats in the Council of
Ministers and thirty percent of the deputy positions in the House of
Representatives. A Turkish Cypriot was to be made minister of defense,
foreign affairs and finance. Turkish Cypriots were allotted 30% of the
civil service jobs and 40% of the command positions in the Army. Any change
to the constitution required a two-thirds majority of representatives from
both communities. Even the most rudimentary of governmental functions
became impracticable--for example the Turkish Cypriot leadership's voting
against income and other taxes had placed the government in danger of
bankruptcy. In short, the government was hog-tied; Cyprus' very undoing was
written into its own constitution.

Other assertions by the Turkish government, that "President Makarios craved
union with Greece and the subjugation of Turkish Cypriots . and proposed
amendments to the constitution to achieve these objectives" (Insight
Magazine, Feb. 7), are patently false. By the time this ill-conceived
marriage of a government and its unworkable constitution was imposed on
Cyprus, Makarios was opposed to union with Greece. He sought complete
independence for Cyprus and a unified sovereign state that protected the
rights of all Cypriots, both Greek and Turkish.

It was precisely because Makarios opposed union with Greece that Greek
extremists shelled the presidential palace and twice attempted to
assassinate him. The amendments he proposed to the constitution were
designed to make the government (which has been described by legal experts
as "the first in the world to be denied majority rule by its own
constitution") somewhat workable and to reflect a closer approximation of
the true ratio of Greeks to Turks in Cyprus. Makarios submitted these
proposals to the Vice President, a Turkish Cypriot, who did not respond.
Instead, the Turkish government, reflecting its dominant role in separatist
efforts, answered for him: Turkey rejected the proposals out of hand and
forbade the Turkish Cypriots from even discussing them. Shortly thereafter,
the Turkish Cypriots abandoned the government completely.

Turkey's 1974 assault on Cyprus is commonly referred to by many in the media
as a "landing", a "dispatch of troops" or as anything other than what it
was: a brutal invasion. Turkey also misleadingly argues that the invasion
was authorized by the Treaty of Guarantee. The Treaty of Guarantee provided
that one of the guarantor powers (England, Greece or Turkey) could intervene
in an emergency but only in order to restore the country to its original
(unified) state, and certainly not to partition, ethnically cleanse or
occupy it. And under the U.S.-Turkey Agreement of July 1947, American
consent was required for the use of military force by Turkey because
virtually all of Turkey's military equipment, weapons, tanks and fighter
jets, was supplied by the U.S. This consent was never given. On the very
day of the invasion, July 20, 1974, the United Nations Security Council
condemned Turkey for its aggression, demanding that Turkey withdraw all
troops and allow the displaced Greek Cypriots to return to their confiscated
homes.

There have been at least three further UN resolutions since 1974 demanding
the same, but Turkey has ignored them all. This is why the "Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus," the TRNC, is not recognized by any country in
the world except for Turkey and has no legitimate international standing.

The continuing insistence on partition by Turkey, using the protection of
the Turkish-Cypriot community as a pretext, is merely part of Turkey's
long-held expansionist plans for the island. According to Professor John L.
Scherer, in Blocking the Sun: The Cyprus Conflict, "Since the 1950s, [Turkey
's] plan had been to turn northern Cyprus into a Turkish-run province.
Ankara needed an excuse to intervene, and that was provided by George Grivas
and EOKA fighters. If there had been no EOKA, however, the Turks and
Turkish Cypriots would have found another pretext. They would have planted
their own bombs in Turkish-Cypriot areas and blamed the Greek Cypriots in
order to justify the Turkish invasion."

Attempts are also made to minimize the 80% Greek majority's cultural and
historical claim to the island through assertions like: "Turkish and Greek
Cypriots occupied the island for centuries under a succession of sovereigns
before the Republic of Cyprus was established in 1960" (Insight Magazine,
Feb. 7).

Because of its geo-strategic position in the Mediterranean and the bounty of
its natural resources, Cyprus has been invaded and intermittently ruled over
by many: Phoenicians, Assyrians, Persians, Romans, English, Lusignans,
Genoese, Marmelukes, Venetians, Ottomans, and again the English. The
Ottomans invaded in 1571 and controlled Cyprus for three hundred years (its
longest period of cultural stagnation), but through all of its decidedly
civilized history it has remained a Greek nation in language, architecture,
art, music, culture and spirit.

As noted by Christopher Hitchens in Hostage to History, "the complexity and
variety of Cypriot history cannot efface, any more than could its numerous
owners and rulers, one striking fact. The island has been, since the Bronze
Age, unmistakably Greek." Out of 7,000 years of history, the Turks have
been in Cyprus a mere 300 years. Based on this and an 18% minority, Turkey'
s military establishment, with a seemingly truncated memory, believes that
Cyprus should be part of Turkey.

Most troubling for the future of Cyprus is the apartheid-like creed,
parroted by some journalists covering the issue, that Greek Cypriots and
Turkish Cypriots will never be able to live in harmony (although they did so
for three hundred years), therefore let's maintain the Attila Line that has
been imposed on both communities by the Turkish military and forget about
finding a solution. It is no accident that this is identical to the
argument used by Turkish extremists in the 1950s to promote the idea of
partition-one separate state for Turkish Cypriots, another for Greeks.

It is this very separatist objective-engineered by Turkey's ruling military
establishment to achieve its goal of taksim, or the partition of Cyprus (and
further exacerbated by Britain, America and the Greek junta's disastrous
intrigues in Cyprus)-that initiated the cycle of violence by extremists of
both communities in 1963 after centuries of peaceful coexistence.

While Turkey has refused to allow Greek Cypriot refugees to return to their
homes in the occupied north, the Cypriot Government has kept Turkish-Cypriot
homes in trust for them in the hope that they will one day return when
Cyprus is united.

Situated in the UN-controlled buffer-zone, Pyla serves as an example of what
can be achieved when the divisive effect of Turkey's occupation regime is
removed. It is one of the few villages on the island where Greek and
Turkish Cypriots still live together peacefully as they had done for
centuries.

A recent mobilization by Turkish Cypriots to find a blood donor for a
6-year-old Greek Cypriot boy with leukemia further underscores the
speciousness of the myth, propagated for the very purpose of keeping Cyprus
divided, that both communities are somehow inherently incapable of living
together.

Another disinformation bite promoted by the Turkish government and its
spindoctors here is that the Turkish-occupied part of the island functions
as a democracy.

As confirmed by the State Department's most recent Human Rights Report and
by independent human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and
Human Rights Watch, Turkey is among the worst human rights violators on
earth, where torture and extra-judicial killings remain a part of its
political landscape. For the fifth consecutive year the Turkish state has
led the world in imprisoned journalists ahead of China and Syria, and has
recently admitted to using death squads to kill as many as 14,000 people
since the 1980's.

As the TRNC is in reality a puppet administration that answers directly to
the Turkish state, the same authoritarian repression that afflicts Turkey
also pervades occupied Cyprus. Turkish Cypriots critical of Denktash's
occupation regime have asked that their identities be kept confidential, as
one economics professor did, for example, when interviewed by the BBC ("the
fact that she didn't want to be identified was significant", BBC News,
9/1/98).

The assassination of prominent Turkish Cypriot journalist Kutlu Adali in
1996 is instructive--his assassination is widely attributed to extremists
working on behalf of the Turkish state. According to Professor Claire
Palley, a British constitutional law expert, Adali was murdered six days
after the European Human Rights Commission declared Cyprus' application
against Turkey admissible and "after it became obvious he would have been a
witness" in the case. Adali's writings had been extensively quoted in the
application, and Palley stated that Adali "proved Turkey's colonisation of
Cyprus . . . [and its] compelling Turkish Cypriots to emigrate"

Anyone who wants to believe that the TRNC is a democracy will soon be
disappointed upon visiting occupied Cyprus, and taking note of the
square-helmeted, goose-stepping soldiers wielding machine guns on every
corner. Cross the Green Line in Nicosia into the Turkish sector and try to
photograph any building or videotape any street scene and you will soon find
yourself camera-less, in jail, or both.

That apologists of the occupation regime are under the misperception that
this is how a democracy should function is indeed part of the problem. And,
much like the situation with the former Berlin Wall, now there are Turkish
Cypriots from the north escaping to the south to return to their old
neighborhoods among the Greeks; their homes, as guaranteed by Cypriot law,
still waiting for them.

As was recently reported by Gregory Copley of The International Strategic
Studies Association in Washington DC, "[t]he Turkish Cypriots' standard of
living has declined compared with that of their Greek Cypriot neighbors
since 1974. Turkish Cypriots, with 37 percent of the land and the best
agricultural and tourist areas of the island, earn only 30 percent of the
average wage of the Greek Cypriots."

European Foreign Affairs Commissioner Hans van den Broek protested that the
Turkish Cypriot community was being "victimized" and withheld from "a better
and more prosperous future" as a result of Turkey's insistence on an
occupied and divided Cyprus.

An increasing number of Turkish Cypriots have realized that the future of a
prosperous Cyprus is a united one without Turkish troops. Rejecting the
hard-line partitionist stand of the occupation regime, in October 1999 an
influential bloc of 23 Turkish-Cypriot trade unions and professional
organizations appealed directly to visiting U.S. envoy Alfred Moses to work
for the reunification of war-divided Cyprus on the basis of UN Security
Council resolutions that call for a unified Cyprus and a withdrawal of
occupation troops.

The TRNC's occupation regime has trapped Turkish Cypriots in a political and
economic black hole, all the while importing Turks from the depths of
Anatolia to wrest control from Cyprus' native Turkish population. As a
result, as many as half of all Turkish-Cypriots have fled their own homeland
in search of greater economic and political freedom elsewhere.

In conclusion, it should be emphasized that there were extremists on both
sides of the Cyprus conflict, while power-brokering by colonial-minded
Britain and interventionist violence by junta-era Greece clearly added fuel
to the Cypriot powder keg. But insiders know that it was Turkish designs
for partition that ultimately caused the breakdown in government and the
terrible tragedy of 1974, the repercussions of which all indigenous
Cypriots, both Greek and Turk, are still suffering today.

Cyprus is Berlin all over again, with one difference. Rather than taking
the side of civilian-controlled governments, pluralistic societies, and
democratic values, our own government has instead decided to ratify
invasion, occupation, and transnational aggression in order to sustain an
alliance of increasingly questionable value.
_______

About the author: Matthew J. Stowell is an Associate with the American
Hellenic Media Project (AHMP), a non-profit think-tank created to address
bias in the media and encourage independent, ethical and responsible
journalism. Commentaries, letters and opinion/editorials by AHMP have been
published in The Boston Globe, The Chicago Tribune, The Christian Science
Monitor, The Dallas Morning News, The Detroit News, The Economist, The
Financial Times, Forbes Global, The Miami Herald, The New York Post, The New
York Times, The Toronto Sun, USA Today, The Village Voice, The Wall Street
Journal, The Washington Post, The Washington Times and World Press Review.

A shorter version of this article was published in the form of a letter to
the editor of Insight Magazine.

_________________

American Hellenic Media Project
PO Box 1150
New York, NY 10028-0008
***@hri.org
www.ahmp.org

The American Hellenic Media Project is a non-profit organization created to
address inaccuracy and bias in the media and encourage independent, ethical
and responsible journalism.

To be added to AHMP's e-mail distribution list, or to introduce AHMP to a
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From: Spirit of Truth

(using June's e-mail to communicate to you)!

[Turkish-Republic-of-Northern-Cyprus]

Here, learn some true history little Mikro-Skopik-Girik-Bitch.


Attempted Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in Cyprus
By Michael Stephen, former British Parliamentarian (1992-97)

The assertion by Mr. Christides (May 10, 1999) that there was no ethnic
cleansing or attempted genocide of Turkish Cypriots by Greek Cypriots is
ridiculous. Until influential Greek Cypriots come to terms with the
appalling
behavior of their community toward the smaller Turkish Cypriot community and
stop trying to persuade themselves and the world that each side was as much
to
blame as the other, there will be no reconciliation in Cyprus.

What did George Ball and Sir Alec Douglas say about the intentions of
Archbishop Makarios vis a vis the Turkish Cypriots?

In his memoirs, American Undersecretary of State George Ball said:
"Makarios's
central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his
Greek
Cypriots could go on happily massacring Turkish Cypriots. Obviously we would
never permit that. "The fact is, however, that neither the United Nations,
nor
anyone, other than Turkey ever took effective action to prevent it. On Feb.
17,
1964 the Washington Post reported that "Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent
on a
policy of genocide."

Former British Prime Minister Sir Alec Douglas-Home said, "I was convinced
that
if Archbishop Makarios could not bring himself to treat the Turkish Cypriots
as
human beings he was inviting the invasion and partition of the island."

On July 28, 1960 Makarios, the Greek Cypriot president, said: "The
independence
agreements do not form the goal they are the present and not the future. The
Greek Cypriot people will continue their national cause and shape their
future
in accordance with THEIR will." In a speech on Sept. 4, 1962 at Panayia
Makarios said, "Until this Turkish community forming part of the Turkish
race
that has been the terrible enemy of Hellenism is expelled, the duty of the
heroes of EOKA can never be considered terminated."

The Constitutional Coup

In November 1963 the Greek Cypriots demanded the abolition of no less than
eight of the basic articles that had been included in the 1960 agreement for
the protection of the Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish Cypriots, naturally,
refused to agree. The aim of the Greek Cypriots was to reduce the Turkish
Cypriot people to the status of a mere minority, wholly subject to the
control
of the Greek Cypriots, pending ultimate destruction or expulsion of the
Turkish
Cypriots from the island.

"When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the Constitution,
Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot attack began in
December 1963," wrote Lt. Gen. George Karayiannis of The Greek Cypriot
militia
("Ethnikos Kiryx" 15.6.65). The general was referring to the notorious
"Akritas" plan, which was the blueprint for the annihilation of the Turkish
Cypriots and the annexation of the island to Greece.

Events leading to the sending of the UN Peace-Keeping Force to the island

On Christmas Eve 1963 the Greek Cypriot militia attacked Turkish Cypriot
communities across the island. Large numbers of men, women, and children
were
killed and 270 mosques, shrines and other places of worship were desecrated.

On Dec. 28, 1963, the Daily Express carried the following report from
Cyprus:
"We went tonight into the sealed-off Turkish Cypriot quarter of Nicosia in
which 200 to 300 people had been slaughtered in the last five days. We were
the
first Western reporters there, and we have seen sights too frightful to be
described in print. Horror was so extreme that the people seemed stunned
beyond
tears."

On Dec. 31, 1963, The Guardian reported: "It is nonsense to claim, as the
Greek
Cypriots do, that all casualties were caused by fighting between armed men
of
both sides. On Christmas Eve many Turkish Cypriot people were brutally
attacked
and murdered in their suburban homes, including the wife and children of a
doctor-allegedly by a group of 40 men, many in army boots and greatcoats."
Although the Turkish Cypriots fought back as best they could and killed some
militia, there were no massacres of Greek Cypriot civilians.

On Jan. 1, 1964, the Daily Herald reported: "When I came across the Turkish
Cypriot homes they were an appalling sight. Apart from the walls they just
did
not exist. I doubt if a napalm attack could have created more devastation.
Under roofs springs, children's cots, and gray ashes of what had once been
tables, chairs and wardrobes. In the neighboring village of Ayios Vassilios
I
counted 16 wrecked and burned out homes. They were all Turkish Cypriot's. In
neither village did I find a scrap of damage to any Greek Cypriot house."

On Jan. 2, 1964, the Daily Telegraph wrote: "The Greek Cypriot community
should
not assume that the British military presence can or should secure them
against
Turkish intervention if they persecute the Turkish Cypriots. We must not be
a
shelter for double-crossers."

On Jan. 12, 1964, the British High Commission in Nicosia wrote in a telegram
to
London: "The Greek [Cypriot] police are led by extremist who provoked the
fighting and deliberately engaged in atrocities. They have recruited into
their
ranks as 'special constables' gun-happy young thugs. They threaten to try
and
punish any Turkish Cypriot police who wishes to return to the Cyprus
Government... Makarios assured Sir Arthur Clark that there will be no
attack.
His assurance is as worthless as previous assurances have proved."

On Jan. 14, 1964, the Daily Telegraph reported that the Turkish Cypriot
inhabitants of Ayios Vassilios had been massacred on Dec. 26, 1963 and
reported
their exhumation from a mass grave in the presence of the Red Cross. A
further
massacre of Turkish Cypriots, at Limassol, was reported by The Observer on
Feb.
16, 1964; and there were many more.

On Feb. 6, 1964, a British patrol found armed Greek Cypriot police attacking
the Turkish Cypriots of Ayios Sozomenos. They were unable to stop the
attack.

On Feb. 13, 1964, the Greeks and Greek Cypriots attacked the Turkish Cypriot
quarter of Limassol with tanks, killing 16 and injuring 35.



On Feb. 15, 1964, the Daily Telegraph reported: "It is a real military
operation which the Greek Cypriots launched against the 6,000 inhabitants of
the Turkish Cypriot quarter yesterday morning. A spokesman for the Greek
Cypriot government has recognized this officially. It is hard to conceive
how
Greek and Turkish Cypriots may seriously contemplate working together after
all
that has happened."

Further attempts for ENOSIS

On Sept. 10, 1964, the U.N. Secretary-General reported that "UNFICYP"
carried
out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island
during
the disturbances... It shows that in 109 villages, most of them
Turkish-Cypriot
or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have
suffered damage from looting. In Ktima 38 houses and shops have been
destroyed
totally and 122 partially. In the Orphomita suburb of Nicosia, 50 houses
have
been totally destroyed while a further 240 have been partially destroyed
there
and in adjacent suburbs."

The U.K. House of Commons Select Committee on Foreign Affairs reviewed the
Cyprus question in 1987 and reported unanimously on July 2 of that year that
"although the Cyprus Government now claims to have been merely seeking to
'operate the 1960 Constitution modified to the extent dictated by the
necessities of the situation,' this claim ignores the fact that both before
and
after the events o#, December 1963 the Makarios Government continued to
advocate the cause of ENOSIS and actively pursued the amendment of the
Constitution and the related treaties to facilitate this ultimate
objective."

The committee continued: "Moreover, in June 1967 the Greek Cypriot
legislature
unanimously passed a resolution in favor of enosis, in blatant contravention
of
the 1960 Treaties and Constitution." (Art. I of the Treaty of Guarantee
prohibited any action likely to directly or indirectly promote union with
any
other state or partition of the island, and Art. 185(2) of the Constitution
is
to similar effect.)

Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral president of the Supreme
Constitutional
Court of Cyprus, told Die Welt on Dec. 27, 1963: "Makarios bears on his
shoulders the sole responsibility for the recent tragic events. His aim is
to
deprive the Turkish community of their rights". In an interview with the UPI
press agency on Dec. 30, 1963 he said, "All this happened because Makarios
wanted to take away all constitutional rights from the Turkish Cypriots."

The Failure of the UN and the others

The United Nations not only failed to condemn the forcible usurpation of the
legal order in Cyprus, but actually rewarded it by treating the by then
wholly
Greek Cypriot administration as if it were the government of Cyprus
(Security
Council Res. 186 of 1964). This acceptance has continued to the present day,
and reflects no credit upon the United Nations, nor upon Britain, nor the
other
countries who have acquiesced.

On Aug. 12, 1964, the UK representative to the United Nations wrote to his
government in London as follows:

"What is our policy and true feelings about the future of Cyprus and about
Makarios? Judging from the English newspapers and many others, the feeling
is
very strong indeed against Makarios and his so-called government, and
nothing
would please the British people more than to see him toppled and the Cyprus
problem solved by the direct dealings between the Turks and the Greeks. We
are
of course supporting the latter course, but I have never seen any expression
of
the official disapproval in public against Makarios and his evil doings. Is
there an official view about this, and what do we think we should do in the
long run? Sometimes it seems that the obsession of some people with "the
Commonwealth" blinds us to everything else and it would be high treason to
take
more active line against Makarios and his henchmen. At other times the
dominant
feature seems to be concern lest active opposition against Makarios should
lead
to direct conflict with the Cypriots and end up with our losing our bases."

Exclusion of the Turkish Cypriots from representation at the international
fora

Thereafter Turkish Cypriot MPs, judges, and other officials were intimidated
or
prevented by force from carrying out their duties. According to the Select
Committee, "The effect of the crisis of December 1963 was to deliver control
of
the formal organs of government into the hands of the Greek Cypriots alone.
Claiming to be acting in accordance with the doctrine of necessity, the
Greek
Cypriot members of the House of Representatives enacted a series of laws
which
provided for the operation of the organs of government without Turkish
Cypriot
participation."

The report of the Select Committee continued: "Equality damaging from the
Turkish Cypriot point of view was what they considered to be their effective
exclusion from representation at and participation in the international fora
where their case could have been deployed... An official Turkish Cypriot
presence in the international political scene virtually disappeared
overnight."
It is not therefore surprising that the world has been persuaded to the
Greek
Cypriot point of view.

Atrocities of the Greek Cypriots

More than 300 Turkish Cypriots are still missing without trace from these
massacres of 1963/64. These dreadful events were not the responsibility of
"the
Greek Colonels" of 1974 or an unrepresentative handful of Greek Cypriot
extremists. The persecution of the Turkish Cypriots was an act of policy on
the
part of the Greek Cypriot political and religious leadership, which has to
this
day made no serious attempt to bring the murderers to justice.

The UK Commons Select Committee found that "there is little doubt that much
of
the violence which the Turkish Cypriots claim led to the total or partial
destruction of 103 Turkish villages and the displacement of about a quarter
of
the total Turkish Cypriot population was either directly inspired by, or
connived at, by the Greek Cypriot leadership."

The UN secretary-general reported to the Security Council: "When the
disturbances broke out in December 1963 and continued during the first part
of
1964, thousands of Turkish Cypriots fled their homes, taking with them only
what they could drive or carry, and sought refuge in safer villages and
areas."

On Jan. 14, 1964, "ll Giorno" of Italy reported: "Right now we are
witnessing
the exodus of Turkish Cypriots from the villages. Thousands of people
abandoning homes, land, herds. Greek Cypriot terrorism is relentless. This
time
the rhetoric of the Hellenes and the statues of Plato do not cover up their
barbaric and ferocious behavior."

The Greek Cypriots sometimes allege that it was they who were attacked by
the
Turkish Cypriots, who were determined to wreck the 1960 agreements. However,
the Turkish Cypriots were not only outnumbered by nearly four to one; they
were
also surrounded in their villages by armed Greek Cypriots; they had no way
of
protecting their women and children, and Turkey was 40 miles away across the
sea. The very idea that in those circumstances the Turkish Cypriots were the
aggressors is absurd.

The role of the mainland Greek troops in overthrowing of Makarios

There were further attacks on the Turkish Cypriots in 1967. In 1971, General
Grivas returned to Cyprus to form EOKA-B, which was again committed to
making
Cyprus a wholly Greek island and annexing it to Greece. In a speech to the
Greek Cypriot armed forces at the time (quoted in "New Cyprus," May 1987)
Grivas said: "The Greek forces from Greece have come to Cyprus in order to
impose the will of the Greeks of Cyprus upon the Turks. We want ENOSIS but
the
Turks are against it. We shall impose our will. We are strong, and we shall
do
so."

By July 15, 1974, a powerful force of mainland Greek troops had assembled in
Cyprus and with their backing, the Greek Cypriot National Guard overthrew
Makarios and installed one Nicos Sampson as "president." On July 22, the
Washington Star News reported: "Bodies littered the streets and there were
mass
burials... People told by Makarios to lay down their guns were shot by the
National Guard."

Missing persons, what is the truth?

On April 17, 1991, Ambassador Nelson Ledsky testified before the U.S. Senate
Foreign Relations Committee that "most of the 'missing persons' disappeared
in
the first days of July 1974, before the Turkish intervention on the 20th.
Many
killed on the Greek side were killed by Greek Cypriots in fighting between
supporters of Makarios and Sampson."

On Nov. 6, 1974, Ta Nea reported that dates from the graves of Greek
Cypriots
killed in the five days between July 15-20 were erased in order to blame
these
deaths on the subsequent Turkish military action.

On March 3, 1996, the Greek Cypriot Cyprus Mail wrote: "(Greek) Cypriot
governments have found it convenient to conceal the scale of atrocities
during
the July 15 coup in an attempt to downplay its contribution to the tragedy
of
the summer of 1974 and instead blame the Turkish invasion for all
casualties.
There can be no justification for any government that failed to investigate
this sensitive humanitarian issue. The shocking admission by the Clerides
government that there are people buried in Nicosia cemetery who are still
included in the list of the 'missing' is the last episode of a human drama
which has been turned into a propaganda tool."

On Oct. 19 1996, Mr. Georgios Lanitis wrote: "I was serving with the Foreign
Information Service of the Republic of Cyprus in London... I deeply
apologize
to all those I told that there are 1,619 missing persons. I misled them. I
was
made a liar, deliberately, by the government of Cyprus . .... today it seems
that the credibility of Cyprus is nil."

Had Turkey not intervened, what would have happened?

Turkish Cypriots appealed to the guarantor powers for help, but only Turkey
was
willing to make any effective response. On July 20, 1974 Turkey intervened
under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee. The Greek newspaper
Eleftherotipia
published an interview with Nicos Sampson on Feb. 26, 1981 in which he said,
"Had Turkey not intervened I would not only have proclaimed ENOSIS, I would
have annihilated the Turks in Cyprus."

More attacks against the Turkish community

The Times and The Guardian reported on Aug. 21, 1974 that in the village of
Tokhni on Aug. 14, 1974 all the Turkish Cypriot men between the ages of 13
and
74, except for eighteen who managed to escape, were taken away and shot.

There were also reports that in Zyyi on the same day all the Turkish-Cypriot
men aged between 19 an 38 were taken away and were never seen again and that
Greek-Cypriots opened fire on the Turkish-Cypriot neighborhood of Paphos
killing men, women, and children indiscriminately.

On July 23, 1974, the Washington Post reported that "in a Greek raid on a
small
Turkish village near Limassol 36 people out of a population of 200 were
killed.
The Greeks said that they had been given orders to kill the inhabitants of
the
Turkish villages before the Turkish forces arrived." The Times and The
Guardian
also reported on the killings.

"The Greeks began to shell the Turkish quarter on Saturday, refugees said.
Kazan Dervis, a Turkish Cypriot girl aged 15, said she had been staying with
her uncle. The [Greek Cypriot] National Guard came into the Turkish sector
and
shooting began. She saw her uncle and other relatives taken away as
prisoners,
and later heard her uncle had been shot." (Times 23.7.74)

On July 28, 1974 the New York Times reported that 14 Turkish-Cypriot men had
been shot in Alaminos. On July 24, 1974 France Soir reported that "the
Greeks
burned Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around
Famagusta. Defenseless Turkish villagers who have weapons live in an
atmosphere
of terror and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tents in the
forest.
The Greeks' actions are a shame to humanity."

On July 22, Turkish Prime Minister Ecevit called upon the United Nations to
"stop the genocide of Turkish Cypriots" and declared, "Turkey has accepted a
cease-fire, but will not allow Turkish Cypriots to be massacred."

The German newspaper Die Zeit wrote on Aug. 30, "The massacre of Turkish
Cypriots in Paphos and Famagusta is the proof of how justified the Turks
were
to undertake their intervention."

"Turkish Cypriots, who had suffered from physical attacks since 1963, called
on
the guarantor powers to prevent a Greek conquest of the island. When Britain
did nothing Turkey invaded Cyprus and occupied its northern part. Turkish
Cypriots have constitutional right on their side and understandably fear a
renewal of persecution if the Turkish army withdraws", the Daily Telegraph
wrote on Aug. 15, 1996.

At last, peace for the Turkish Cypriots

"Turkey intervened to protect the lives and property of the
Turkish-Cypriots,
and to its credit it has done just that. In the 12 years since, there have
been
no killings and no massacres" Lord Willis (Labor) told the House of Lords on
Dec. 17, 1986.

On March 12, 1977, Makarios declared, "It is in the name of ENOSIS that
Cyprus
has been destroyed."

The United Nations, the Commonwealth, and the rest of the world have put
political expediency before principle and failed to condemn this appalling
behavior. Greek Cypriots are guilty of attempted genocide but no action has
ever been taken against them. Instead they have been rewarded by recognition
as
the government of all Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriots by contrast were frozen
out
of the United Nations, the Commonwealth and almost every other international
organization.



--
Please visit http://www.atcanews.org and show your support for the Turkish
Cypriots cause for freedom. Thanks



---
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[I am Seanie]

Subject: Re: Hannay revels in Machiavellian glory
lobby!ngtf-m01.news.aol.com!ngpeer.news.aol.com!pln-w!lotsanews.com!cyclo

ne-sf.pbi.net!216.196.98.144!border2.nntp.dca.giganews.com!border1.nntp.dc
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You are a disgusting traitor to humanity for posting those lies!

OUCH !

Meeeeeeeeeeeeeeowwwwww Girlfriend !

*LMFAOAY*

PS ¬
V

[Peters Ivanhoe]

Why do they call you the dicklicker?

(Btw what were you doing at Penge? Do you live in that slum or were you
visiting?)

Post by I am Seanie

Subject: Re: Hannay revels in Machiavellian glory
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Date: Sat, 25 Dec 2004 08:22:06 GMT
You are a disgusting traitor to humanity for posting those lies!

OUCH !
Meeeeeeeeeeeeeeowwwwww Girlfriend !
*LMFAOAY*
PS ¬
V
--
======================================
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http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/mk.html
=============================

[I am Seanie]

ubject: Re: Hannay revels in Machiavellian glory
lobby!ngtf-m01.news.aol.com!ngpeer.news.aol.com!newsstand.cit.cornell.edu

!artemis.acsu.buffalo.edu!arclight.uoregon.edu!hammer.uoregon.edu!logbridg
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Turk

*YAAAAAAAAAWWWWWWNNNZZZZZ*

Hello GAYson Knob-sack !

Would you like to try something less BORING than your usual spamming ?

*LMFAOAY*

[premium]

Post by I am Seanie

ubject: Re: Hannay revels in Machiavellian glory
lobby!ngtf-m01.news.aol.com!ngpeer.news.aol.com!newsstand.cit.cornell.edu

!artemis.acsu.buffalo.edu!arclight.uoregon.edu!hammer.uoregon.edu!logbridg
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Turk

*YAAAAAAAAAWWWWWWNNNZZZZZ*
Hello GAYson Knob-sack !
Would you like to try something less BORING than your usual spamming ?
*LMFAOAY*

Hey Weenie Beanie,

how about taking a walk for a change, breathe some fresh air. No?

Your fat Turkish wife would want to come along?

*LMFAOAY*

[Agamemnon]

Post by June R Harton
He is a disgusting traitor to humanity.

Yes he is.

House President: Possible solutions did not represent Cyprus people's

NICOSIA 23/12/2004 (CNA/ANA)

Cyprus House of Representatives President Demetris Christofias has said the
Cyprus problem has not been solved because the stance of the international
community on one hand and Turkey's on the other led to possible solutions
that did not represent the interests of Greek Cypriots and Turkish
Cypriots, but the interests of third countries.

Christofias stressed on Wednesday that the United States and Britain were
not only responsible for the so-called isolation of the Turkish Cypriots
but during the December 16-17 EU Summit in Brussels they also tried to
secure that there would not be any reference in the EU conclusions to
Turkey's obligations as regards the Cyprus Republic.

The Cypriot official noted that the Greek Cypriots' negative stance towards
the Annan plan for a settlement should trouble all those who are trying to
find a solution to the Cyprus problem that will respond to the Cyprus
people's interests, something that was not though achieved.

He said measures taken to relieve Turkish Cypriots were somehow retributive
for the Greek Cypriots.

''The stance of the international community, firstly, and of Turkey,
secondly, led to possible solutions that did not represent the interests of
the Cyprus people as a whole, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, and took
into consideration the interests of third parties, and that is why a
solution did not come up,'' he noted.

Regarding the so-called isolation of the Turkish Cypriots, Christofias said
''this was not due to the Cyprus Republic'' but ''to those who divided
Cyprus into two with the use of force.''

He pointed out that ''it is Turkey that has to be blamed and those who
support Turkey, the Americans and the British, who worked behind the scenes
during the EU Summit, to avoid any word to be included in the EU
conclusions that would refer to Turkey's obligations as regards the Cyprus
Republic.''

''This creates feelings of repugnance and feelings we did not want to have,
because we are not anti-Americans or anti-British by nature,'' he noted.

He also said that these feelings do not have to do with the peoples of the
two countries but with the policy their leaders follow all these years.

Christofias vowed that ''we will continue our struggle with dignity, always
having in mind the interests of the Cyprus people as a whole,'' adding:
''we want a solution.''

Cyprus has been divided since 1974 when Turkish troops invaded and occupied
37 per cent of its territory.

[I am Seanie]

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Post by June R Harton
He is a disgusting traitor to humanity.

Yes I AM.

Throughout history the nations which have exerted power in the Mediterranean,
have extended their sovereignty to include Cyprus because of its geostrategic
importance.

Prior to the conquest of Cyprus by the Ottomans the Island had been ruled by
the Venetians who were Catholics. The local Orthodox inhabitants of the Island
were oppressed by the Venetians who also removed the Orthodox Archbishop from
his post and banished him to a village where he was under constant
surveillance.

The Archbishop joined the Ottomans who had come from Istanbul for the purpose
of ridding the Island of Venetian rule and proposed that the Ottomans also come
to Cyprus.

The Ottomans under Sultan Selim II accepted the Archbishop’s proposal and in
1570-1571 they conquered the Island.

Christian countries were not pleased over the Ottomans conquering Cyprus.
Missionaries sent to the island by France and Russia tried to incite the
Orthodox population on the Island against the Muslim Turks. In 1600 after 30
years of anti-Ottoman propaganda and incitement, the Archbishop approached the
Duke of Savoy with the proposal that the Muslims on the Island be massacred
while sleeping and that Cyprus be annexed to Christian territories.

The Duke who was afraid of Ottoman might, turned down the proposal. However, it
should be borne in mind that the plan of having the Turks on the Island
massacred in one night, is also the aim of the Akritas Plan.

France and Russia exerted efforts to topple the Ottomans and in 1814 they
established the “Ethniki Eteria” Association in Odessa. The Ethniki Eteria
adopted a program called the “Megalo Idea”. The name of the organization
which was later changed in 1895 to “Megalo Ethniki Eteria”, adopted the
same program.

The headquarters of the Organization set up to overthrow the Ottomans was moved
to the Istanbul Patriarchate in 1820. In 1821 the Patriarchate led the churches
located within the boundaries of the Ottoman State in a revolt.

The Ottoman State, weakened by constant conflict lost the Ottoman-Russian War
in 1877. In order to benefit from the situation, Britain made a proposal to set
up a military post on Cyprus on a temporary basis for the purpose of helping
the Ottomans against a possible Russian invasion of Anatolia.

Britain established her sovereignty on the Island in 1878. The first move of
the British was to remove Turkish personnel from certain posts and replaced
them with Greek Cypriots.

The Greeks and the Greek Cypriots were encouraged by the stand taken by the
British and expressed their desire to have Cyprus annexed to Greece. During
World War I, when the Ottomans were allied with Germany, Britain proclaimed
Cyprus a colony on November 14, 1915. Britain mentioned the possibility of
having Cyprus annexed to Greece in the event the latter joined forces with
Britain. Greece did not enter the War but the possibility of annexation was
always kept alive. As a result, the Greek Cypriots staged an uprising aimed at
annexation in 1931.

The Turkish people and police sided with the British forces and the uprising
was quenched.

On January 15, 1950, Archbishop Makarios, in compliance with the developments
held a plebiscite in the churches on the Island and 96 % of the votes were in
favour of annexation. Britain and Turkey did not recognize the plebiscite.
However, the Greeks and Cypriot Greeks applied to the UN demanding that Greek
Cypriots have the right to self-determination. The UN then decided that should
such a right be given it should also be applicable to the other community on
the Island and that matter should be settled via dialogue between the
respective states concerned.

Realizing that annexation would not be achieved by peaceful means, the Greek
Cypriots and Greeks took a decision on March 7, 1953, during a summit in Athens
to form the EOKA terrorist organization with Greece supplying the necessary
weapons, equipment and also finances.

The EOKA terrorist organization went into operation on April 1st, 1955 when
Grivas issued the statement “We have two enemies before us; the British and
the Turks. We shall fight the British and they shall be banished from the
Island. As for the Turks, we shall annihilate them”.

In the face of the EOKA attacks, the British remained passive.

The Turkish side was unaware of what was taking place. EOKA at first launched
attacks on the Turkish police, shooting them from behind. They later began to
massacre Turks in villages. On August 1st, 1958, the Turkish Cypriot Resistance
Organization was established. The Turkish Government supported the
Organization. The activities undertaken resulted positively. The resistance put
up by the Turkish side goaded the British Government into action. The
Government on Cyprus envisaged granting both the Greek and Turkish
representatives a say in the administration by establishing a commission by the
Governorship of Cyprus. However, the Greeks and the Greek Cypriots did not
accept the proposal. When the Turkish representative officially assumed his
position on October 1st, 1958, fear took over the Greek side. The idea of
establishing a republic on the Island was proposed.

On February 11, 1958, the Foreign Ministers of Britain, Turkey and Greece met
in Zurich and a decision was reached to establish a republic in Cyprus.

Agreements were signed by the concerned parties. In his address on the same
day, Makarios said: “Our aim is not to establish a republic, but annex.”
The Republic of Cyprus was officially proclaimed on August 15-16, 1960. Under
the guarantorship of England, Turkey and Greece, sovereignty was granted both
to the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot Representatives. However the Greek
Cypriots have never accepted equal political status for the Turkish Cypriots,
nor the rights given to the Turkish-Cypriots by the Constitution. The Turkish
side took a decision to apply to Constitutional Courts. Makarios declared that
he would not accept the decision handed down in favour of the Turkish-Cypriots.
The Greek-Cypriots then launched a dastardly campaign against the German
chairman of the Constitutional Court, Prof. E. Forsthoff, accusing him of
taking bribes from the Turkish-Cypriots.

Makarios claimed that the Constitution could not be applied and consequently
prepared 13 articles to amend the Constitution. Proposal of amendments were
submitted to the Turkish Cypriot leadership and the guarantor states on
November 30, 1963. The Turkish Cypriot leadership did not approve of them and
they were also rejected by the Republic of Turkey.

On December 21, 1963 Makarios began his attacks on the Turkish inhabitants in
Lefko_a and Sinde (‹nönü). Since the world did not react, the Greek
Cypriots were able to carry out the “Bloody Christmas” massacre of Turkish
Cypriots on December 23-25, 1963.

Many Turkish Cypriots were killed and others were wounded, but they never
surrendered. They asked Turkey to intervene as a guarantor state. Turkish jets
conducted warning flights over Lefko_a on December 25, 1963. Makarios stopped
the Greek Cypriots from firing. However on December 26, 1963, he had the
defenseless Turkish-Cypriots in Ayvas›l captured and in a place on the
outskirts of the village he had them all massacred and their bodies thrown into
a hollow. In 1963 the Greek Cypriots attacked 103 villages and 24 thousand
Turkish migrants from the Greek Cypriot sector were killed. The civilized world
showed no reaction to the savagery applied to the Turks.

In the face of the situation Dr. Faz›l Küçük and Makarios both approached
the British Military forces to enter the Lefko_a Green Line which was done on
December 30, 1963, and thus the division of Cyprus was initiated. The British
were assigned the duty of protecting the defenseless Turkish-Cypriots against
the attacking Greeks. On March 4, 1964, the UN took a decision to dispacth a
Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus. This Force is still deployed on the Island today.


On January 1, 1964, Makarios unilaterally annulled the Cyprus Agreements. As of
this date Makarios levied taxes on the Turkish side and even taxed foodstuffs
donated by the Red Crescent.

Difficulties began to be encountered by the Turkish Cypriots who had received
some financial aid from Turkey.

On August 6-9 1964, the Greek Military attacked Erenköy before the very eyes
of the UN Peace Keeping Force Commander Timaya. They gunned down many Turks.
Upon the request of the Turkish Cypriots, Turkish jets intervened and the
Greeks stopped firing.

In 1964 Turkey took a decision to intervene but it was prevented by US
President Johnson on June 3, of that same year. On November 15, 1967, the Greek
Cypriots and Greek soldiers attacked Geçitkale and Bo¤aziçi where many Turks
were massacred. The Greeks, in their savagery went as far as pouring kerosene
over the 90-year-old village imam, burning him alive. They smashed the
telephones of the Peace-Keeping forces but there was no reaction whatsoever.

In the face of these events, Turkey decided to intervene. This time, the US
President did not send a letter. Cyrus Vance was appointed special
representative and was sent to Turkey. He halted the intervention. A decision
was taken to find a solution via bilateral talks, and the first meeting was
held in Beirut on June 3, 1968. Since this time, various meetings have been
held at various levels and this has been continuing up to the present. No
agreement has as yet been reached since the Cypriot Greeks have not abandoned
the concept of “ENOSIS” (Union with Greece). As matters stand, the chances
of reaching agreement are slim.

Makarios implemented a long-term program whereby the Turks were driven from
Cyprus. The Greek junta on the other hand, wishing to gain favour within the
country aimed at annexing Cyprus as soon as possible to Greece. Makarios
refused, bearing in mind the possibility of Turkey’s intervention and he
desired that the Greek forces under General Gizikis be withdrawn from the
Island whereupon the Greeks established the EOKA-B terrorist organization.
Makarios fled the Island and in his address to the UN Security Council on July
15, 1974 he said: “The Greeks have invaded Cyprus and Greek tanks are on the
streets. The Turks are also in danger”.

Turkey did not intend to invade Cyprus and the Turkish Prime Minister at the
time flew to London and suggested that joined intervention be immediately
undertaken. However , his proposal was rejected. Upon the insistence of the
Turkish Cypriots the Turkish Peace Operation was carried out on July 20, 1974.
Since Greece and the Greek Cypriots did not comply with the decision taken at
the Geneva Conference, the Second Peace Operation was launched on August 14-16
whereby the present boundaries of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus were
delineated.

The fact that Turkey was not an invader was confirmed by the Athens Supreme
Court on March 21, 1979 under resolution No. 2658/79 wherein it was stated:

“Turkey’s intervention in Cyprus is legal under Article IV of the Guarantee
Agreement. The junta is the guilty party.”

The Republic of Northern Cyprus was established with Rauf Denkta_ as its first
President within the boundaries drawn up by the Peace Operation on November 15,
1983.

Bearing in mind the events experienced by the Turks in Cyprus, a Cypriot
Federated Republic with a decentralized administration, bi-zonal, bi-communal
and rotating premier ship is the most ideal form of administration.

The Turkish Cypriot side has been involved in negotiations since 1964. However,
it has not been possible to reach any solution due to the fact that Greece and
the Greek Cypriots have not abandoned the idea annexing Cyprus to Greece. With
the aim of preventing a final solution from being reached, the borders of the
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus are being constantly violated with
unpleasant incidents. This state of affairs has and is still preventing a
peaceful solution to the problem. This will continue till such a time when all
respective states and international institutions will inform the Greek Cypriot
administration that they are not the sole legitimate government on the Island
and till such a time no positive result can be obtained from bilateral talks.

[I am Seanie]

Subject: Re: Hannay revels in Machiavellian glory
lobby!ngtf-m01.news.aol.com!ngpeer.news.aol.com!c03.atl99.usenetserver.co

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He is a disgusting traitor to humanity.

Are you going to TERMINATE ?


Mewhahahahahahaharrrr


Throughout history the nations which have exerted power in the Mediterranean,
have extended their sovereignty to include Cyprus because of its geostrategic
importance.

Prior to the conquest of Cyprus by the Ottomans the Island had been ruled by
the Venetians who were Catholics. The local Orthodox inhabitants of the Island
were oppressed by the Venetians who also removed the Orthodox Archbishop from
his post and banished him to a village where he was under constant
surveillance.

The Archbishop joined the Ottomans who had come from Istanbul for the purpose
of ridding the Island of Venetian rule and proposed that the Ottomans also come
to Cyprus.

The Ottomans under Sultan Selim II accepted the Archbishop’s proposal and in
1570-1571 they conquered the Island.

Christian countries were not pleased over the Ottomans conquering Cyprus.
Missionaries sent to the island by France and Russia tried to incite the
Orthodox population on the Island against the Muslim Turks. In 1600 after 30
years of anti-Ottoman propaganda and incitement, the Archbishop approached the
Duke of Savoy with the proposal that the Muslims on the Island be massacred
while sleeping and that Cyprus be annexed to Christian territories.

The Duke who was afraid of Ottoman might, turned down the proposal. However, it
should be borne in mind that the plan of having the Turks on the Island
massacred in one night, is also the aim of the Akritas Plan.

France and Russia exerted efforts to topple the Ottomans and in 1814 they
established the “Ethniki Eteria” Association in Odessa. The Ethniki Eteria
adopted a program called the “Megalo Idea”. The name of the organization
which was later changed in 1895 to “Megalo Ethniki Eteria”, adopted the
same program.

The headquarters of the Organization set up to overthrow the Ottomans was moved
to the Istanbul Patriarchate in 1820. In 1821 the Patriarchate led the churches
located within the boundaries of the Ottoman State in a revolt.

The Ottoman State, weakened by constant conflict lost the Ottoman-Russian War
in 1877. In order to benefit from the situation, Britain made a proposal to set
up a military post on Cyprus on a temporary basis for the purpose of helping
the Ottomans against a possible Russian invasion of Anatolia.

Britain established her sovereignty on the Island in 1878. The first move of
the British was to remove Turkish personnel from certain posts and replaced
them with Greek Cypriots.

The Greeks and the Greek Cypriots were encouraged by the stand taken by the
British and expressed their desire to have Cyprus annexed to Greece. During
World War I, when the Ottomans were allied with Germany, Britain proclaimed
Cyprus a colony on November 14, 1915. Britain mentioned the possibility of
having Cyprus annexed to Greece in the event the latter joined forces with
Britain. Greece did not enter the War but the possibility of annexation was
always kept alive. As a result, the Greek Cypriots staged an uprising aimed at
annexation in 1931.

The Turkish people and police sided with the British forces and the uprising
was quenched.

On January 15, 1950, Archbishop Makarios, in compliance with the developments
held a plebiscite in the churches on the Island and 96 % of the votes were in
favour of annexation. Britain and Turkey did not recognize the plebiscite.
However, the Greeks and Cypriot Greeks applied to the UN demanding that Greek
Cypriots have the right to self-determination. The UN then decided that should
such a right be given it should also be applicable to the other community on
the Island and that matter should be settled via dialogue between the
respective states concerned.

Realizing that annexation would not be achieved by peaceful means, the Greek
Cypriots and Greeks took a decision on March 7, 1953, during a summit in Athens
to form the EOKA terrorist organization with Greece supplying the necessary
weapons, equipment and also finances.

The EOKA terrorist organization went into operation on April 1st, 1955 when
Grivas issued the statement “We have two enemies before us; the British and
the Turks. We shall fight the British and they shall be banished from the
Island. As for the Turks, we shall annihilate them”.

In the face of the EOKA attacks, the British remained passive.

The Turkish side was unaware of what was taking place. EOKA at first launched
attacks on the Turkish police, shooting them from behind. They later began to
massacre Turks in villages. On August 1st, 1958, the Turkish Cypriot Resistance
Organization was established. The Turkish Government supported the
Organization. The activities undertaken resulted positively. The resistance put
up by the Turkish side goaded the British Government into action. The
Government on Cyprus envisaged granting both the Greek and Turkish
representatives a say in the administration by establishing a commission by the
Governorship of Cyprus. However, the Greeks and the Greek Cypriots did not
accept the proposal. When the Turkish representative officially assumed his
position on October 1st, 1958, fear took over the Greek side. The idea of
establishing a republic on the Island was proposed.

On February 11, 1958, the Foreign Ministers of Britain, Turkey and Greece met
in Zurich and a decision was reached to establish a republic in Cyprus.

Agreements were signed by the concerned parties. In his address on the same
day, Makarios said: “Our aim is not to establish a republic, but annex.”
The Republic of Cyprus was officially proclaimed on August 15-16, 1960. Under
the guarantorship of England, Turkey and Greece, sovereignty was granted both
to the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot Representatives. However the Greek
Cypriots have never accepted equal political status for the Turkish Cypriots,
nor the rights given to the Turkish-Cypriots by the Constitution. The Turkish
side took a decision to apply to Constitutional Courts. Makarios declared that
he would not accept the decision handed down in favour of the Turkish-Cypriots.
The Greek-Cypriots then launched a dastardly campaign against the German
chairman of the Constitutional Court, Prof. E. Forsthoff, accusing him of
taking bribes from the Turkish-Cypriots.

Makarios claimed that the Constitution could not be applied and consequently
prepared 13 articles to amend the Constitution. Proposal of amendments were
submitted to the Turkish Cypriot leadership and the guarantor states on
November 30, 1963. The Turkish Cypriot leadership did not approve of them and
they were also rejected by the Republic of Turkey.

On December 21, 1963 Makarios began his attacks on the Turkish inhabitants in
Lefko_a and Sinde (‹nönü). Since the world did not react, the Greek
Cypriots were able to carry out the “Bloody Christmas” massacre of Turkish
Cypriots on December 23-25, 1963.

Many Turkish Cypriots were killed and others were wounded, but they never
surrendered. They asked Turkey to intervene as a guarantor state. Turkish jets
conducted warning flights over Lefko_a on December 25, 1963. Makarios stopped
the Greek Cypriots from firing. However on December 26, 1963, he had the
defenseless Turkish-Cypriots in Ayvas›l captured and in a place on the
outskirts of the village he had them all massacred and their bodies thrown into
a hollow. In 1963 the Greek Cypriots attacked 103 villages and 24 thousand
Turkish migrants from the Greek Cypriot sector were killed. The civilized world
showed no reaction to the savagery applied to the Turks.

In the face of the situation Dr. Faz›l Küçük and Makarios both approached
the British Military forces to enter the Lefko_a Green Line which was done on
December 30, 1963, and thus the division of Cyprus was initiated. The British
were assigned the duty of protecting the defenseless Turkish-Cypriots against
the attacking Greeks. On March 4, 1964, the UN took a decision to dispacth a
Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus. This Force is still deployed on the Island today.


On January 1, 1964, Makarios unilaterally annulled the Cyprus Agreements. As of
this date Makarios levied taxes on the Turkish side and even taxed foodstuffs
donated by the Red Crescent.

Difficulties began to be encountered by the Turkish Cypriots who had received
some financial aid from Turkey.

On August 6-9 1964, the Greek Military attacked Erenköy before the very eyes
of the UN Peace Keeping Force Commander Timaya. They gunned down many Turks.
Upon the request of the Turkish Cypriots, Turkish jets intervened and the
Greeks stopped firing.

In 1964 Turkey took a decision to intervene but it was prevented by US
President Johnson on June 3, of that same year. On November 15, 1967, the Greek
Cypriots and Greek soldiers attacked Geçitkale and Bo¤aziçi where many Turks
were massacred. The Greeks, in their savagery went as far as pouring kerosene
over the 90-year-old village imam, burning him alive. They smashed the
telephones of the Peace-Keeping forces but there was no reaction whatsoever.

In the face of these events, Turkey decided to intervene. This time, the US
President did not send a letter. Cyrus Vance was appointed special
representative and was sent to Turkey. He halted the intervention. A decision
was taken to find a solution via bilateral talks, and the first meeting was
held in Beirut on June 3, 1968. Since this time, various meetings have been
held at various levels and this has been continuing up to the present. No
agreement has as yet been reached since the Cypriot Greeks have not abandoned
the concept of “ENOSIS” (Union with Greece). As matters stand, the chances
of reaching agreement are slim.

Makarios implemented a long-term program whereby the Turks were driven from
Cyprus. The Greek junta on the other hand, wishing to gain favour within the
country aimed at annexing Cyprus as soon as possible to Greece. Makarios
refused, bearing in mind the possibility of Turkey’s intervention and he
desired that the Greek forces under General Gizikis be withdrawn from the
Island whereupon the Greeks established the EOKA-B terrorist organization.
Makarios fled the Island and in his address to the UN Security Council on July
15, 1974 he said: “The Greeks have invaded Cyprus and Greek tanks are on the
streets. The Turks are also in danger”.

Turkey did not intend to invade Cyprus and the Turkish Prime Minister at the
time flew to London and suggested that joined intervention be immediately
undertaken. However , his proposal was rejected. Upon the insistence of the
Turkish Cypriots the Turkish Peace Operation was carried out on July 20, 1974.
Since Greece and the Greek Cypriots did not comply with the decision taken at
the Geneva Conference, the Second Peace Operation was launched on August 14-16
whereby the present boundaries of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus were
delineated.

The fact that Turkey was not an invader was confirmed by the Athens Supreme
Court on March 21, 1979 under resolution No. 2658/79 wherein it was stated:

“Turkey’s intervention in Cyprus is legal under Article IV of the Guarantee
Agreement. The junta is the guilty party.”

The Republic of Northern Cyprus was established with Rauf Denkta_ as its first
President within the boundaries drawn up by the Peace Operation on November 15,
1983.

Bearing in mind the events experienced by the Turks in Cyprus, a Cypriot
Federated Republic with a decentralized administration, bi-zonal, bi-communal
and rotating premier ship is the most ideal form of administration.

The Turkish Cypriot side has been involved in negotiations since 1964. However,
it has not been possible to reach any solution due to the fact that Greece and
the Greek Cypriots have not abandoned the idea annexing Cyprus to Greece. With
the aim of preventing a final solution from being reached, the borders of the
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus are being constantly violated with
unpleasant incidents. This state of affairs has and is still preventing a
peaceful solution to the problem. This will continue till such a time when all
respective states and international institutions will inform the Greek Cypriot
administration that they are not the sole legitimate government on the Island
and till such a time no positive result can be obtained from bilateral talks.

[m***@yahoo.com]

The anti-Turkish hatred fabricators and thugs and murderers of
Armenian/Greek/PKK/KADEK anti-Turkish Hatred Inc never stop in their
relentless dreams of massacring all Turks everywhere in the World. The
sub-human Greek/Armenian/PKK/KADEK terrorists think repeating
anti-Turkish hate propaganda legitimize their rape, torture and murder
of innocent and defenceless Turkish human beings.


++++++++++++++++++
++++++++++++++++++


http://faculty.menlo.edu:8080/~jhiggins/tcvoices/trnchist/trnccr60.html

The Independence Years: 1960 - 1963.

During the 1960 - 1963 period, the Greek Cypriot leadership, through
numerous statements exposed their ulterior motives by stating that they
viewed independence as a stepping stone to ENOSIS (Union of Cyprus with
Greece):

Makarios: "Independence was not the aim and purpose of the EOKA
struggle. Foreign factors have prevented the achievement of the
national goal, but this should not be a cause for sorrow. New bastions
have been conquered and from this the Greek Cypriots will march on to
complete the final victory (ENOSIS)."

16.08.1960
Greek Cypriot Press



Makarios: ". . . Until this small community that forms part of the
Turkish race which has been the terrible enemy of Hellenism is
expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA cannot be considered as
terminated."

04.09.1962
Panayia Village



Makarios: "It is true that the goal of our struggle is to annex Cyprus
to Greece."

05.09.1963
Interview Published
in Uusi Suomi, Stockholm



Makarios: "If I have any ambition, it is to link my name with the union
of Cyprus with Greece. The expansion of Greece's boundaries up to the
shores of North Africa, through ENOSIS."

Interview with "Apoyevmatini"
September 8th, 1964






"The assertion by Mr. Christides (May 10, 1999) that there was no
ethnic cleansing or attempted genocide of Turkish Cypriots by Greek
Cypriots is ridiculous. Until influential Greek Cypriots come to terms
with the appalling behavior of their community toward the smaller
Turkish Cypriot community and stop trying to persuade themselves and
the world that each side was as much to blame as the other, there will
be no reconciliation in Cyprus."

Michael Stephen, British
Parliamentarian (1992-97)



"Makarios's central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so
that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on happily massacring Turkish
Cypriots. Obviously we would never permit that. "The fact is, however,
that neither the United Nations, nor anyone, other than Turkey ever
took effective action to prevent it."

George Ball
American
Undersecretary of State



"Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide."

the Washington Post, Feb. 17,
196





"I was convinced that if Archbishop Makarios could not bring himself to
treat the Turkish Cypriots as human beings he was inviting the invasion
and partition of the island."

Sir Alec
Douglas-Home
Former British
Prime Minister



On July 28, 1960 Makarios, the Greek Cypriot president, said: "The
independence agreements do not form the goal they are the present and
not
the future. The Greek Cypriot people will continue their national cause
and
shape their future in accordance with THEIR will."



In a speech on Sept. 4, 1962 at Panayia Makarios said, "Until this
Turkish
community forming part of the Turkish race that has been the terrible
enemy
of Hellenism is expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA can never be
considered terminated."



"When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the
Constitution,
Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot attack began
in
December 1963," wrote Lt. Gen. George Karayiannis of The Greek Cypriot
militia ("Ethnikos Kiryx" 15.6.65). The general was referring to the
notorious "Akritas" plan, which was the blueprint for the annihilation
of
the Turkish Cypriots and the annexation of the island to Greece.



On Dec. 28, 1963, the Daily Express carried the following report from
Cyprus: "We went tonight into the sealed-off Turkish Cypriot quarter of
Nicosia in which 200 to 300 people had been slaughtered in the last
five
days. We were the first Western reporters there, and we have seen
sights too
frightful to be described in print. Horror was so extreme that the
people
seemed stunned beyond tears."



On Dec. 31, 1963, The Guardian reported: "It is nonsense to claim, as
the
Greek Cypriots do, that all casualties were caused by fighting between
armed
men of both sides. On Christmas Eve many Turkish Cypriot people were
brutally attacked and murdered in their suburban homes, including the
wife
and children of a doctor-allegedly by a group of 40 men, many in army
boots
and greatcoats." Although the Turkish Cypriots fought back as best they
could and killed some militia, there were no massacres of Greek Cypriot
civilians



On Jan. 1, 1964, the Daily Herald reported: "When I came across the
Turkish
Cypriot homes they were an appalling sight. Apart from the walls they
just
did not exist. I doubt if a napalm attack could have created more
devastation. Under roofs springs, children's cots, and gray ashes of
what
had once been tables, chairs and wardrobes. In the neighboring village
of
Ayios Vassilios I counted 16 wrecked and burned out homes. They were
all
Turkish Cypriot's. In neither village did I find a scrap of damage to
any
Greek Cypriot house."




On Jan. 12, 1964, the British High Commission in Nicosia wrote in a
telegram
to London: "The Greek [Cypriot] police are led by extremist who
provoked the
fighting and deliberately engaged in atrocities. They have recruited
into
their ranks as 'special constables' gun-happy young thugs. They
threaten to
try and punish any Turkish Cypriot police who wishes to return to the
Cyprus
Government... Makarios assured Sir Arthur Clark that there will be no
attack. His assurance is as worthless as previous assurances have
proved."



On Jan. 14, 1964, the Daily Telegraph reported that the Turkish Cypriot
inhabitants of Ayios Vassilios had been massacred on Dec. 26, 1963 and
reported their exhumation from a mass grave in the presence of the Red
Cross. A further massacre of Turkish Cypriots, at Limassol, was
reported by
The Observer on Feb. 16, 1964; and there were many more.




On Feb. 15, 1964, the Daily Telegraph reported: "It is a real military
operation which the Greek Cypriots launched against the 6,000
inhabitants of
the Turkish Cypriot quarter yesterday morning. A spokesman for the
Greek
Cypriot government has recognized this officially. It is hard to
conceive
how Greek and Turkish Cypriots may seriously contemplate working
together
after all that has happened."




On Sept. 10, 1964, the U.N. Secretary-General reported that "UNFICYP"
carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout
the
island during the disturbances... It shows that in 109 villages, most
of
them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed
while
2,000 others have suffered damage from looting. In Ktima 38 houses and
shops
have been destroyed totally and 122 partially. In the Orphomita suburb
of
Nicosia, 50 houses have been totally destroyed while a further 240 have
been
partially destroyed there and in adjacent suburbs."




The U.K. House of Commons Select Committee on Foreign Affairs reviewed
the
Cyprus question in 1987 and reported unanimously on July 2 of that year
that
"although the Cyprus Government now claims to have been merely seeking
to
'operate the 1960 Constitution modified to the extent dictated by the
necessities of the situation,' this claim ignores the fact that both
before
and after the events o#, December 1963 the Makarios Government
continued to
advocate the cause of ENOSIS and actively pursued the amendment of the
Constitution and the related treaties to facilitate this ultimate
objective."

The committee continued: "Moreover, in June 1967 the Greek Cypriot
legislature unanimously passed a resolution in favor of enosis, in
blatant
contravention of the 1960 Treaties and Constitution." (Art. I of the
Treaty
of Guarantee prohibited any action likely to directly or indirectly
promote
union with any other state or partition of the island, and Art. 185(2)
of
the Constitution is to similar effect.)




Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral president of the Supreme
Constitutional Court of Cyprus, told Die Welt on Dec. 27, 1963:
"Makarios
bears on his shoulders the sole responsibility for the recent tragic
events.
His aim is to deprive the Turkish community of their rights". In an
interview with the UPI press agency on Dec. 30, 1963 he said, "All this
happened because Makarios wanted to take away all constitutional rights
from
the Turkish Cypriots."




More than 300 Turkish Cypriots are still missing without trace from
these
massacres of 1963/64. These dreadful events were not the responsibility
of
"the Greek Colonels" of 1974 or an unrepresentative handful of Greek
Cypriot
extremists. The persecution of the Turkish Cypriots was an act of
policy on
the part of the Greek Cypriot political and religious leadership, which
has
to this day made no serious attempt to bring the murderers to justice.

The UK Commons Select Committee found that "there is little doubt that
much
of the violence which the Turkish Cypriots claim led to the total or
partial
destruction of 103 Turkish villages and the displacement of about a
quarter
of the total Turkish Cypriot population was either directly inspired
by, or
connived at, by the Greek Cypriot leadership."




The UN secretary-general reported to the Security Council: "When the
disturbances broke out in December 1963 and continued during the first
part
of 1964, thousands of Turkish Cypriots fled their homes, taking with
them
only what they could drive or carry, and sought refuge in safer
villages and
areas."



On Jan. 14, 1964, "ll Giorno" of Italy reported: "Right now we are
witnessing the exodus of Turkish Cypriots from the villages. Thousands
of
people abandoning homes, land, herds. Greek Cypriot terrorism is
relentless.
This time the rhetoric of the Hellenes and the statues of Plato do not
cover
up their barbaric and ferocious behavior."




There were further attacks on the Turkish Cypriots in 1967. In 1971,
General
Grivas returned to Cyprus to form EOKA-B, which was again committed to
making Cyprus a wholly Greek island and annexing it to Greece. In a
speech
to the Greek Cypriot armed forces at the time (quoted in "New Cyprus,"
May
1987) Grivas said: "The Greek forces from Greece have come to Cyprus in
order to impose the will of the Greeks of Cyprus upon the Turks. We
want
ENOSIS but the Turks are against it. We shall impose our will. We are
strong, and we shall do so."




By July 15, 1974, a powerful force of mainland Greek troops had
assembled in
Cyprus and with their backing, the Greek Cypriot National Guard
overthrew
Makarios and installed one Nicos Sampson as "president." On July 22,
the
Washington Star News reported: "Bodies littered the streets and there
were
mass burials... People told by Makarios to lay down their guns were
shot by
the National Guard."




On April 17, 1991, Ambassador Nelson Ledsky testified before the U.S.
Senate
Foreign Relations Committee that "most of the 'missing persons'
disappeared
in the first days of July 1974, before the Turkish intervention on the
20th.
Many killed on the Greek side were killed by Greek Cypriots in fighting
between supporters of Makarios and Sampson."




On Nov. 6, 1974, Ta Nea reported that dates from the graves of Greek
Cypriots killed in the five days between July 15-20 were erased in
order to
blame these deaths on the subsequent Turkish military action.




On March 3, 1996, the Greek Cypriot Cyprus Mail wrote: "(Greek) Cypriot
governments have found it convenient to conceal the scale of atrocities
during the July 15 coup in an attempt to downplay its contribution to
the
tragedy of the summer of 1974 and instead blame the Turkish invasion
for all
casualties. There can be no justification for any government that
failed to
investigate this sensitive humanitarian issue. The shocking admission
by the
Clerides government that there are people buried in Nicosia cemetery
who are
still included in the list of the 'missing' is the last episode of a
human
drama which has been turned into a propaganda tool."




On Oct. 19 1996, Mr. Georgios Lanitis wrote: "I was serving with the
Foreign
Information Service of the Republic of Cyprus in London... I deeply
apologize to all those I told that there are 1,619 missing persons. I
misled
them. I was made a liar, deliberately, by the government of Cyprus .
....
today it seems that the credibility of Cyprus is nil."




The Times and The Guardian reported on Aug. 21, 1974 that in the
village of
Tokhni on Aug. 14, 1974 all the Turkish Cypriot men between the ages of
13
and 74, except for eighteen who managed to escape, were taken away and
shot.

There were also reports that in Zyyi on the same day all the
Turkish-Cypriot
men aged between 19 an 38 were taken away and were never seen again and
that
Greek-Cypriots opened fire on the Turkish-Cypriot neighborhood of
Paphos
killing men, women, and children indiscriminately.




On July 23, 1974, the Washington Post reported that "in a Greek raid on
a
small Turkish village near Limassol 36 people out of a population of
200
were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to kill
the
inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces arrived."
The
Times and The Guardian also reported on the killings.



"The Greeks began to shell the Turkish quarter on Saturday, refugees
said.
Kazan Dervis, a Turkish Cypriot girl aged 15, said she had been staying
with
her uncle. The [Greek Cypriot] National Guard came into the Turkish
sector
and shooting began. She saw her uncle and other relatives taken away as
prisoners, and later heard her uncle had been shot." (Times 23.7.74)



On July 28, 1974 the New York Times reported that 14 Turkish-Cypriot
men had
been shot in Alaminos. On July 24, 1974 France Soir reported that "the
Greeks burned Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the
villages
around Famagusta. Defenseless Turkish villagers who have weapons live
in an
atmosphere of terror and they evacuate their homes and go and live in
tents
in the forest. The Greeks' actions are a shame to humanity."



The German newspaper Die Zeit wrote on Aug. 30, "The massacre of
Turkish
Cypriots in Paphos and Famagusta is the proof of how justified the
Turks
were to undertake their intervention."



"Turkish Cypriots, who had suffered from physical attacks since 1963,
called
on the guarantor powers to prevent a Greek conquest of the island. When
Britain did nothing Turkey invaded Cyprus and occupied its northern
part.
Turkish Cypriots have constitutional right on their side and
understandably
fear a renewal of persecution if the Turkish army withdraws", the Daily
Telegraph wrote on Aug. 15, 1996.




"Turkey intervened to protect the lives and property of the
Turkish-Cypriots, and to its credit it has done just that. In the 12
years
since, there have been no killings and no massacres" Lord Willis
(Labor)
told the House of Lords on Dec. 17, 1986.




On March 12, 1977, Makarios declared, "It is in the name of ENOSIS that
Cyprus has been destroyed."

[m***@yahoo.com]

OBSERVATIONS BY FOREIGNERS

The Mathiati Massacre

The brutality in Mathiati village of Nicosia where 208 Turks
lived was
expressed as below by Gibbons:

"(...) three Turks were seriously injured at the first minutes.
When
Turks burst out of their white, small houses into the streets, the
screaming
and cursing crowd began to push and kick them along the way. The
terrified
Turks who fell down on the floor as a result of riffle butt strikes
were
dragged across the streets while the crowd stormed into houses, pulled
burning logs out of the furnaces and set curtains and beds on fire. The
old
wooden roof beams were surrounded by smoke and then flames. Barefoot
women
mostly in nightgowns were also pushed here and there on the burning
streets,
either holding tight their terrified little babies or with their
toddlers
catching the ends of their nightgowns or trousers and following them
together with others dragging their injured away.


Greek youngsters host at the houses hysterically and yelled madly
with
hoarse voices. Before the flames completely covered the houses, they
materialized into the houses, broken things and grabbing valuable
goods. The
wild sounds coming from the back of the houses attracted he attention
of the
assailants to the animals of Turks. They stomped into the barns and
raked
cows, sheep and goats with machine guns. They threw the chickens into
the
air and shot them while they desperately cackled and struggled. Their
bodies
broke into pieces and feathers covered everywhere.

The crowd screamed and yelled in a bloodthirsty manner. Turks
were
dragged through the frozen streets out of the village. They were left
in
pain around Kochatis, another Turkish village. The Kochatis villagers
hurried out of their houses to help their neighbors while the crowd
headed
back to Mathiati to continue the plunder and all the madness". (H.
Scott
Gibbons, Peace Without Honor, Ankara, 1969, p. 31).


Ayvasýl Massacre

Gibbons observations on the Ayvasýl (Ayios Vasilios) village
massacre
quotes as follows:

"Weapon sounds were heard. They broke locked doors with rifle
butts
and dragged people onto the streets. A 70 year-old Turk awoke to the
sound
of its broken front door. He teetered out of his bedroom before he was
asked
if he had any children by many youngsters with arms. Dumbfounded, he
pronounced "Yes". "Send them out" they ordered. Tow sons of his, 19 and
17,
and her only daughter, 10 got dressed hurriedly and followed the armed
men
out.

They were lined up near the farm fence and shot dead with machine
guns
by those armed men. In another house, they found a 13 year-old boy,
tied his
hands at his back, knelt him down. They plundered the house, kicked and
raped the boy and shot him at the head.

That night, 12 Turks were slaughtered in Ayios Vasilios. Others
were
gathered and pushed out of the village to take refuge in Turks in
Skylloura.

Barefooted, with their pajamas and nightgowns on, they teetered to
proceed
in the cold. The Greek cypriots fired at them in the dark.

The armed men headed for the Turkish houses. They plundered and
destroyed the houses and when they got exhausted, they set the houses
on
fire. Nine more Turks that lived in the surrounding farmhouses were
killed
in the same region". (H. Scott Gibbons, Peace Without Honor, p. 73).

The Kumsal Massacre

Gibbons wrote as follows about the Kumsal massacre:

"Armed men broke the doors and stormed into Turkish houses,
kicking,
beating, punching and cursing at them. The retreat from Kumsal began.
Once
more, dazed and appalled families that resembled those facing debacle
in
Europe by Nazi attacks were on cold streets rifles burst and machine
guns
raffled.

They were slipping and falling down. They began to run away,
seeking
support from one another. The screams of a woman echoed on the street,
who

squealed "Is not there anyone to help, Gor God's sake?"

159 inhabitants of Kumsal Turks could not make it to run away
that
night. Four people in the bathroom were killed apart from the landlady
and
four other people. 150 people were taken hostage. No one ever saw some
of
the hostages again. (H. Scott Gibbons, Peace Without Honor, p. 74).

Observations by an Italian Journalist

In January 1964, an Italian journalist in Cyprus made the
following
observations:

"Right now, we are witnessing the migration of Turks from their
villages. The Greek cypriot Terror is ruthless; thousands of people are
leaving their houses, lands and flocks. The Hellenistic claims and
Plateau
can not conceal these savage and barbarous behaviors. Curfew starts in
Turkish villages everyday at 16:00 p.m. As soon as darkness falls,
threats,
weapon sounds and attempts of arson begin. Any resistance seems
impossible
after the Christmas slaughter which spared neither women nor kids
(Giorgio

Bocca, Ýl Giorno, 14 January 1964).

Observations by an American Journalist

Time Journalist Robert Ball wrote the following about the
incidents in
Ayios Sozomenos village of Nicosia:

"The most severe clash took place at the western side of the
village
on which Greek cypriots had attacked by taking advantage of the dense
round
olive trees. The window of an adobe house which sheltered 9 Turks was
blown
up with a bazooka shell and its second floor was riddled because of
bullet
holes.

A Turkish shepherd who desperately raced to the river bed to
escape
was shot a few steps away from the door. Another tried to attack the
Greeks
pointlessly with a pitchfork in his hand and was killed immediately".
(Robert Ball, Time, 14 February 1964).

Observations by an British Journalist

"After Cyprus was occupied, hundreds of Cypriot Turks were taken
hostage by National Guardsmen, Turkish women were raped, kids were
killed on

the streets and Turkish quarters in Limasol were totally burned down".
(David Leigh, The Times, London, 23 July 1974).

Observations by a German Tourist

"Human mind can not comprehend the barbarism of Greeks... Greek
National Guardsmen represented extraordinary examples of brutality.
They
broke into Turkish houses; they ruthlessly shot women and children; cut
the
throats of many Turks and gathered and raped Turkish women...
(Germany's
Voice, 30 July 1974).



Quotes from Crushed Flowers

"Greek cypriots behaved barbarously in the 20th Century and
exercised
massacres. They not only slaughtered Turks in a bloodthirsty manner but
also
buried them half alive. Many corpses in this mass grave unfolds the
Greek
brutality to the people of the world. The corpses disentombed out of
the
mass graves were evident of how vile Greeks were and the feudal laws
that
had been applied by them for years..." (James Rayner, Crushed Flowers,
Nicosia, 1982, p. 25).





Voice of Germany Radio: (30.7.1974)

"Mind of the humankind cannot accept the execution made by Greece
in
Cyprus. Greek and Greek Cypriot Guards were breaking into the houses
inhabited by Turks and firing on women and children, strangling adults
and
raping all the women they seized..."

France Soir Paper's Correspondent in Cyprus, Witness:
(24.07.1974)

"I witnessed extreme acts of violence. Greek Cypriots set Turkish
mosques on fire, and those in the villages near Famagusta as well.
Turkish
villages not having arms or any other defense mechanism are living in
the
brutal atmosphere created by Greek Cypriot pillagers... Greek Cypriots
having bazookas cause great chaos in Turkish villages. These acts of
Greek
Cypriots are disgraceful on behalf of humanity."


Aligis (Greek Cypriot), Voice of Germany Radio, Witness:
(24.07.1974)

"I was in Limasol. There were 14 Turks who took shelter in a
school.

Greek Cypriot National Guards surrounded the school and when the Turks
surrendered they executed them by shooting."

Kurt Lariken, Die Welt Paper's Correspondent, Witness:
(24.07.1974)

"Greek Cypriot National Troops were killing civilian men, women
and
children in Turkish villages and towns brutally."

[m***@yahoo.com]

http://209.157.64.200/focus/f-news/1029165/posts



Former British parliamentarian Michael Stephen reminds Mr. Michael B.
Christides, the Charge d'affaires of the Greek Embassy in Ankara and
many others who appear to have forgotten what indeed was the case in
Cyprus from 1963 to 1974.

MICHAEL STEPHEN

The assertion that there was no ethnic cleansing or attempted genocide
of Turkish Cypriots by Greek Cypriots is ridiculous. Until influential
Greek Cypriots come to terms with the appalling behavior of their
community toward the smaller Turkish Cypriot community and stop trying
to persuade themselves and the world that each side was as much to
blame as the other, there will be no reconciliation in Cyprus.

In his memoirs, American Undersecretary of State George Ball said:
"Makarios's central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so
that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on happily massacring Turkish
Cypriots. Obviously we would never permit that."

The fact is, however, that neither the United States, the United
Kingdom, nor the United Nations, nor anyone, other than Turkey ever
took effective action to prevent it.

On Feb. 17, 1964 the Washington Post reported that "Greek Cypriot
fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide."

Former British Prime Minister Sir Alec Douglas-Home said, "I was
convinced that if Archbishop Makarios could not bring himself to treat
the Turkish Cypriots as human beings he was inviting the invasion and
partition of the island."

On July 28, 1960 Makarios, the Greek Cypriot president, said: "The
independence agreements do not form the goal -- they are the present
and not the future. The Greek Cypriot people will continue their
national cause and shape their future in accordance with THEIR will."

In a speech on Sept. 4, 1962 at Panayia, Makarios said, "Until this
Turkish community forming part of the Turkish race that has been the
terrible enemy of Hellenism is expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA
can never be considered terminated."

In November 1963 the Greek Cypriots demanded the abolition of no less
than eight of the basic articles that had been included in the 1960
agreement for the protection of the Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish
Cypriots, naturally, refused to agree. The aim of the Greek Cypriots
was to reduce the Turkish Cypriot people to the status of a mere
minority, wholly subject to the control of the Greek Cypriots, pending
ultimate destruction or expulsion of the Turkish Cypriots from the
island.

"When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the
Constitution, Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot
attack began in December 1963," wrote Lt. Gen. George Karayiannis of
the Greek Cypriot militia ("Ethnikos Kiryx" 15.6.65). The general was
referring to the notorious "Akritas" plan, which was the blueprint for
the annihilation of the Turkish Cypriots and the annexation of the
island to Greece. On Christmas Eve 1963 the Greek Cypriot militia
attacked Turkish Cypriot communities across the island. Large numbers
of men, women, and children were killed and 270 mosques, shrines and
other places of worship were desecrated. On Dec. 28, 1963, the Daily
Express carried the following report from Cyprus: "We went tonight into
the sealed-off Turkish Cypriot quarter of Nicosia in which 200 to 300
people had been slaughtered in the last five days. We were the first
Western reporters there, and we have seen sights too frightful to be
described in print. Horror so extreme that the people seemed stunned
beyond tears."

On Dec. 31, 1963, The Guardian reported: "It is nonsense to claim, as
the Greek Cypriots do, that all casualties were caused by fighting
between armed men of both sides. On Christmas Eve many Turkish Cypriot
people were brutally attacked and murdered in their suburban homes,
including the wife and children of a doctor -- allegedly by a group of
40 men, many in army boots and great coats."

Although the Turkish Cypriots fought back as best they could and killed
some militia, there were no massacres of Greek Cypriot civilians.

On Jan. 1, 1964, the Daily Herald reported: "When I came across the
Turkish Cypriot homes they were an appalling sight. Apart from the
walls they just did not exist. I doubt if a napalm attack could have
created more devastation. Under roofs which had caved in I found a
twisted mass of bed springs, children's cots, and grey ashes of what
had once been tables, chairs and wardrobes. In the neighboring village
of Ayios Vassilios I counted 16 wrecked and burned out homes. They were
all Turkish Cypriot. In neither village did I find a scrap of damage to
any Greek Cypriot house."

On Jan. 2, 1964, the Daily Telegraph wrote: "The Greek Cypriot
community should not assume that the British military presence can or
should secure them against Turkish intervention if they persecute the
Turkish Cypriots. We must not be a shelter for double-crossers."

On Jan. 12, 1964, the British High Commission in Nicosia wrote in a
telegram to London: "The Greek [Cypriot] police are led by extremists
who provoked the fighting and deliberately engaged in atrocities. They
have recruited into their ranks as 'special constables' gun-happy young
thugs. They threaten to try and punish any Turkish Cypriot police who
wishes to return to the Cyprus Government.... Makarios assured Sir
Arthur Clark that there will be no attack. His assurance is as
worthless as previous assurances have proved."

On Jan. 14, 1964, the Daily Telegraph reported that the Turkish Cypriot
inhabitants of Ayios Vassilios had been massacred on Dec. 26, 1963 and
reported their exhumation from a mass grave in the presence of the Red
Cross. A further massacre of Turkish Cypriots, at Limassol, was
reported by The Observer on Feb. 16, 1964; and there were many more.

On Feb. 6, 1964, a British patrol found armed Greek Cypriot police
attacking the Turkish Cypriots of Ayios Sozomenos. They were unable to
stop the attack.

On Feb. 13, 1964, the Greeks and Greek Cypriots attacked the Turkish
Cypriot quarter of Limassol with tanks, killing 16 and injuring 35.

On Feb. 15, 1964, the Daily Telegraph reported: "It is a real military
operation which the Greek Cypriots launched against the 6,000
inhabitants of the Turkish Cypriot quarter yesterday morning. A
spokesman for the Greek Cypriot government has recognized this
officially. It is hard to conceive how Greek and Turkish Cypriots may
seriously contemplate working together after all that has happened."

On Sept. 10, 1964, the U.N. Secretary-General reported that "UNFICYP
carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout
the island during the disturbances. ...it shows that in 109 villages,
most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been
destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting. In
Ktima 38 houses and shops have been destroyed totally and 122
partially. In the Orphomita suburb of Nicosia, 50 houses have been
totally destroyed while a further 240 have been partially destroyed
there and in adjacent suburbs."

The U.K. House of Commons Select Committee on Foreign Affairs reviewed
the Cyprus question in 1987 and reported unanimously on July 2 of that
year that "although the Cyprus Government now claims to have been
merely seeking to 'operate the 1960 Constitution modified to the extent
dictated by the necessities of the situation,' this claim ignores the
fact that both before and after the events of December 1963 the
Makarios Government continued to advocate the cause of << enosis >> and
actively pursued the amendment of the Constitution and the related
treaties to facilitate this ultimate objective." The committee
continued: "Moreover, in June 1967 the Greek Cypriot legislature
unanimously passed a resolution in favor of <> in blatant contravention
of the 1960 Treaties and Constitution." (Art. 1 of the Treaty of
Guarantee prohibited any action likely to directly or indirectly
promote union with any other state or partition of the island, and Art.
185(2) of the Constitution is to similar effect).

Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral president of the Supreme
Constitutional Court of Cyprus, told Die Welt on Dec. 27, 1963:
"Makarios bears on his shoulders the sole responsibility for the recent
tragic events. His aim is to deprive the Turkish community of their
rights." In an interview with the UPI press agency on Dec. 30, 1963 he
said, "All this happened because Makarios wanted to take away all
constitutional rights from the Turkish Cypriots." The United Nations
not only failed to condemn the forceable usurpation of the legal order
in Cyprus, but actually rewarded it by treating the by then wholly
Greek Cypriot administration as if it were the government of Cyprus
(Security Council Res. 186 of 1964). This acceptance has continued to
the present day, and reflects no credit upon the United Nations, nor
upon Britain, nor the other countries who have acquiesced.

Holdwater says: No different than today! The Greek Cypriots are
regarded as "Cyprus," while the Turkish Cypriots are treated as though
they don't exist.

On Aug. 12, 1964, the U.K. representative to the United Nations wrote
to his government in London as follows: "What is our policy and true
feelings about the future of Cyprus and about Makarios? Judging from
the English newspapers and many others, the feeling is very strong
indeed against Makarios and his so-called government, and nothing would
please the British people more than to see him toppled and the Cyprus
problem solved by the direct dealings between the Turks and the Greeks.
We are of course supporting the latter course, but I have never seen
any expression of the official disapproval in public against Makarios
and his evil doings. Is there an official view about this, and what do
we think we should do in the long run? Sometimes it seems that the
obsession of some people with 'the Commonwealth' blinds us to
everything else and it would be high treason to take a more active line
against Makarios and his henchmen. At other times the dominant feature
seems to be concern lest active opposition against Makarios should lead
to direct conflict with the Cypriots and end up with our losing our
bases."

Thereafter Turkish Cypriot MPs, judges, and other officials were
intimidated or prevented by force from carrying out their duties.
According to the Select Committee, "The effect of the crisis of
December 1963 was to deliver control of the formal organs of government
into the hands of the Greek Cypriots alone. Claiming to be acting in
accordance with 'the doctrine of necessity,' the Greek Cypriot members
of the House of Representatives enacted a series of laws which provided
for the operation of the organs of government without Turkish Cypriot
participation." The report of the Select Committee continued: "Equally
damaging from the Turkish Cypriot point of view was what they
considered to be their effective exclusion from representation at and
participation in the international fora where their case could have
been deployed.... An official Turkish Cypriot presence in the
international political scene virtually disappeared overnight."

It is not therefore surprising that the world has been persuaded to the
Greek Cypriot point of view. More than 300 Turkish Cypriots are still
missing without trace from these massacres of 1963/64. These dreadful
events were not the responsibility of "the Greek Colonels" of 1974 or
an unrepresentative handful of Greek Cypriot extremists. The
persecution of the Turkish Cypriots was an act of policy on the part of
the Greek Cypriot political and religious leadership, which has to this
day made no serious attempt to bring the murderers to justice.

The U.K. Commons Select Committee found that "there is little doubt
that much of the violence which the Turkish Cypriots claim led to the
total or partial destruction of 103 Turkish villages and the
displacement of about a quarter of the total Turkish Cypriot population
was either directly inspired by, or certainly connived at, by the Greek
Cypriot leadership."

The U.N. secretary-general reported to the Security Council: "When the
disturbances broke out in December 1963 and continued during the first
part of 1964, thousands of Turkish Cypriots fled their homes, taking
with them only what they could drive or carry, and sought refuge in
safer villages and areas."

On Jan. 14, 1964, "Il Giorno" of Italy reported: "Right now we are
witnessing the exodus of Turkish Cypriots from the villages. Thousands
of people abandoning homes, land, herds. Greek Cypriot terrorism is
relentless. This time the rhetoric of the Hellenes and the statues of
Plato do not cover up their barbaric and ferocious behavior."

The Greek Cypriots sometimes allege that it was they who were attacked,
by the Turkish Cypriots, who were determined to wreck the 1960
agreements. However, the Turkish Cypriots were not only outnumbered by
nearly four to one; they were also surrounded in their villages by
armed Greek Cypriots; they had no way of protecting their women and
children, and Turkey was 40 miles away across the sea. The very idea
that in those circumstances the Turkish Cypriots were the aggressors is
absurd.

There were further attacks on the Turkish Cypriots in 1967. In 1971,
General Grivas returned to Cyprus to form EOKA-B, which was again
committed to making Cyprus a wholly Greek island and annexing it to
Greece. In a speech to the Greek Cypriot armed forces at the time
(quoted in "New Cyprus," May 1987) Grivas said: "The Greek forces from
Greece have come to Cyprus in order to impose the will of the Greeks of
Cyprus upon the Turks. We want << enosis >> but the Turks are against
it. We shall impose our will. We are strong, and we shall do so."

By July 15, 1974, a powerful force of mainland Greek troops had
assembled in Cyprus and with their backing, the Greek Cypriot National
Guard overthrew Makarios and installed one Nicos Sampson as
"president."

On July 22, the Washington Star News reported: "Bodies littered the
streets and there were mass burials.... People told by Makarios to lay
down their guns were shot by the National Guard."

On April 17, 1991, Ambassador Nelson Ledsky testified before the U.S.
Senate Foreign Relations Committee that "most of the 'missing persons'
disappeared in the first days of July 1974, before the Turkish
intervention on the 20th. Many killed on the Greek side were killed by
Greek Cypriots in fighting between supporters of Makarios and Sampson."


(Holdwater: How many Greeks killed? See Greek source, below)

On Nov. 6, 1974, Ta Nea reported that dates from the graves of Greek
Cypriots killed in the five days between July 15-20 were erased in
order to blame these deaths on the subsequent Turkish military action.

On March 3, 1996, the Greek Cypriot Cyprus Mail wrote: "(Greek) Cypriot
governments have found it convenient to conceal the scale of atrocities
during the July 15 coup in an attempt to downplay its contribution to
the tragedy of the summer of 1974 and instead blame the Turkish
invasion for all casualties. There can be no justification for any
government that failed to investigate this sensitive humanitarian
issue. The shocking admission by the Clerides government that there are
people buried in Nicosia cemetery who are still included in the list of
the 'missing' is the last episode of a human drama which has been
turned into a propaganda tool."

On Oct. 19 1996, Mr. Georgios Lanitis wrote: "I was serving with the
Foreign Information Service of the Republic of Cyprus in London.... I
deeply apologize to all those I told that there are 1,619 missing
persons. I misled them. I was made a liar, deliberately, by the
government of Cyprus. ...today it seems that the credibility of Cyprus
is nil."

Turkish Cypriots appealed to the guarantor powers for help, but only
Turkey was willing to make any effective response.

Holdwater says: Where were YOU, Great Britain?

On July 20, 1974 Turkey intervened under Article IV of the Treaty of
Guarantee.

Holdwater says: Get it now? It was not an invasion. It was a legal
intervention. (Not to mention, more importantly, a moral one.) Had
Turkey been scared off as she was by the Americans in 1964, there would
probably be no Turkish Cypriots alive on the island today.

The Greek newspaper Eleftherotipia published an interview with Nicos
Sampson on Feb. 26, 1981 in which he said, "Had Turkey not intervened I
would not only have proclaimed << enosis,>> I would have annihilated
the Turks in Cyprus."

Holdwater says: REAL GENOCIDE!

The Times and The Guardian reported on Aug. 21, 1974 that in the
village of Tokhni on Aug. 14, 1974 all the Turkish Cypriot men between
the ages of 13 and 74, except for eighteen who managed to escape, were
taken away and shot. There were also reports that in Zyyi on the same
day all the Turkish-Cypriot men aged between 19 and 38 were taken away
and were never seen again and that Greek-Cypriots opened fire on the
Turkish-Cypriot neighborhood of Paphos killing men, women, and children
indiscriminately.

On July 23, 1974, the Washington Post reported that "in a Greek raid on
a small Turkish village near Limassol 36 people out of a population of
200 were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to
kill the inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces
arrived."

The Times and The Guardian also reported on the killings. "The Greeks
began to shell the Turkish quarter on Saturday, refugees said. Kazan
Dervis, a Turkish Cypriot girl aged 15, said she had been staying with
her uncle. The [Greek Cypriot] National Guard came into the Turkish
sector and shooting began. She saw her uncle and other relatives taken
away as prisoners, and later heard her uncle had been shot." (Times
23.7.74)

On July 28, 1974 the New York Times reported that 14 Turkish-Cypriot
men had been shot in Alaminos.

On July 24, 1974 France Soir reported that "the Greeks burned Turkish
mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around Famagusta.
Defenseless Turkish villagers who have no weapons live in an atmosphere
of terror and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tents in the
forests. The Greeks' actions are a shame to humanity."

On July 22, Turkish Prime Minister Ecevit called upon the United
Nations to "stop the genocide of Turkish-Cypriots" and declared,
"Turkey has accepted a cease-fire, but will not allow Turkish-Cypriots
to be massacred."

THE WORD FROM GREECE

b> Athens Court of Appeal dtd. March 21, 1979: The court decision

reads as follows:

"The Turkish intervention in Cyprus, which was carried out in
accordance with the London-Zurich agreements, was legal. Turkey had, as
one of the Guarantor Powers, the right to fulfill her obligation. The
true guilty ones were the Greek Officers, who organised the coup and
thereby created the conditions for an intervention."

Holdwater: Mother of Mercy! Did the Greek court actually and correctly
use the word "intervention," instead of INVASION?

The German newspaper Die Zeit wrote on Aug. 30, "The massacre of
Turkish Cypriots in Paphos and Famagusta is the proof of how justified
the Turks were to undertake their intervention."

"Turkish Cypriots, who had suffered from physical attacks since 1963,
called on the guarantor powers to prevent a Greek conquest of the
island. When Britain did nothing, Turkey invaded Cyprus and occupied
its northern part. Turkish Cypriots have constitutional right on their
side and understandably fear a renewal of persecution if the Turkish
army withdraws," the Daily Telegraph wrote on Aug. 15, 1996.

"Turkey intervened to protect the lives and property of the
Turkish-Cypriots, and to its credit it has done just that. In the 12
years since, there have been no killings and no massacres" Lord Willis
(Labor) told the House of Lords on Dec. 17, 1986.

On March 12, 1977, Makarios declared, "It is in the name of << enosis

that Cyprus has been destroyed."

The United Nations, the Commonwealth, and the rest of the world have
put political expediency before principle and failed to condemn this
appalling behavior. Greek Cypriots are guilty of attempted genocide but
no action has ever been taken against them. Instead they have been
rewarded by recognition as the government of all Cyprus. The Turkish
Cypriots by contrast were frozen out of the United Nations, the
Commonwealth and almost every other international organization. *

The author Michael Stephen was a member of the British Parliament from
1992-1997.

Holdwater says: Of course, it's dangerous to generalize. If one implies
a race is entirely made up of devils or angels, then one shows one's
racist stripes. (As with many of the testimonies you can read about in
this web site... where the Gladstones, Morgenthaus, Lloyd Georges,
George Hortons, and practically every Greek and Armenian, who would
have you believe the Turks are a race of devils.) So I'd like to remind
the reader that men and women of honor and integrity certainly exist
among the "Orthodox peoples."

[June R Harton]

<***@yahoo.com> wrote in message news:***@z14g2000cwz.googlegroups.com...


Disgusting lies, Turk.


For fair use only:


MEDIA BYPASS

Vol. 8, #11, November 2000

pp. 28-31

Torturing Cypriot History
Hostile Environment of Yesteryear Still Remembered

by Matthew J. Stowell

As an American with no Cypriot or Greek ancestry, I understand how Cyprus'
complex and, to most Americans, obscure past can make many easy prey to the
disinformation fed our press by the Turkish government.

A common propaganda bite used by the Turkish state to legitimize its 1974
invasion of Cyprus is that "The Greek Cypriots then unleashed a campaign of
extermination and eviction that killed or wounded thousands and drove a
frightening percentage of Turkish Cypriots into besieged enclaves.."
(Insight Magazine, "Fences Might Be the Right Thing for Multiethnic Nation
of Cyprus", Ahmet Erdengiz, Feb. 7).

This claim has been refuted by findings of impartial sources such as the UN
Secretary General's report No. S/5950, para. 142 which confirms that as a
result of the brief but turbulent period of hostilities between Greek and
Turkish-Cypriot extremists from December 21, 1963 to June 8, 1964, a total
of 43 Greek Cypriots and 232 Turkish Cypriots are missing and presumed dead.
Clearly, this was no "campaign of extermination".

Moreover, these deaths were a direct result of Britain's documented policy
of arming Turkish separatists and encouraging Greco-Turkish conflict to
facilitate its control over Cyprus.

While extremists of both communities are to blame for intercommunal
violence, fueled by British attempts to prevent this overwhelmingly Greek
island-nation from achieving its self-determination, history is clear that
Turkish extremists initiated the cycle of violence that claimed victims on
both sides.

In June of 1958, a bomb explosion outside the information office of the
Turkish Consulate-- later shown to have been planted by Turkish extremists
(the "TMT")--set off the first intercommunal clashes on Cyprus. As noted by
British author Christopher Hitchens in his highly acclaimed work on Cyprus,
Hostage to History, the self-proclaimed president of Cyprus' occupation
regime, Rauf Denktash, admitted in a 1984 interview that it was a Turkish
Cypriot friend who planted the bomb. As a result, "Turkish Cypriots
promptly burned out a neighboring district of Greek shops and homes, in what
was to be the first Greek-Turkish physical confrontation on the island. A
curfew was imposed, and Greek guerrillas [were] blamed [by British
authorities] for the bomb as they were for everything else."

Next the British released from jail eight Greek Cypriot EOKA fighters,
forcing them to walk through the Turkish village of Guenyeli, where they
were quickly set upon and murdered. Thus began two months of violence by
extremists on both sides, killing 56 Greeks and 53 Turks. Tellingly, the
British arrested 2,000 Greeks, but only 60 Turks.

In addition to the hostile environment that was created by combatants on
both sides, there was a second factor that led to the polarization of both
communities: with a view toward partition, the Turks withdrew from
predominantly Greek areas and evicted Greeks from areas where Turks were in
the majority. In a single week over 600 families, two-thirds of them Greek,
left their homes, and many Turks who left Greek areas did so under intense
pressure from Turkish separatists.

Turkish Cypriots who favored compromise or a close relationship between the
two ethnic communities were targets of TMT violence. Turks caught smoking
Greek cigarettes or visiting Greek shops were beaten, and Turkish gangs
forced some Turkish Cypriots to resign from Greek Cypriot trade unions. In
Limassol, a Turkish Cypriot owner of a restaurant popular with Greeks was
threatened and later murdered by the TMT. Two progressive-thinking,
London-educated Turkish barristers who spoke against partition were killed
outright by these same Turkish gangs.

Turkish extremists forced several thousand Turkish peasants to abandon their
farms and animals and move into an overcrowded Turkish enclave in Nicosia.
"Thus the aim of partition, camouflaged by Turkish propaganda as
'federation,' was relentlessly pursued regardless of loss of human life and
the human misery created. However, this so-called 'first phase' of the
invasion of Cyprus by Turkey only partly succeeded, since well over half of
its brethren refused to obey instructions to abandon their homes for the
predetermined enclaves" (The Making of Modern Cyprus, Panteli). On December
23, 1963, Turkish gangs also moved through the Armenian quarter of Nicosia
and forced the inhabitants at gunpoint to leave their houses, shops, church,
school and clubs to make room for more Turks.

This forced population transfer continues in occupied Cyprus today. Since
1974, Turkey has relocated over 125,000 mainland Turks to northern Cyprus.
In this clearly illegal, Soviet-style effort to alter the demographics of
northern Cyprus, one which the UN has condemned, Turkey has displaced not
only the few remaining Greek Cypriots but also Turkish Cypriots, who are
often treated as second-class citizens and denied the rights and privileges
of the alien settlers from Turkey.

As a result, a diminishing number of Cyprus' indigenous Turks remain.
Turkey has made it easy for them to obtain visas to emigrate, and they have
left en masse, mostly for Britain and Turkey as well as other Mideast
countries; some have even escaped through the Green Line and returned to the
Greek south.

Apologists for Turkey's invasion disingenuously omit the imperative fact
that it is the Greek Cypriot community that bore the overwhelming brunt of
violence on Cyprus. As a result of Turkey's 1974 invasion, fittingly
codenamed "Operation Attila", Turkish troops perpetrated more than 6,000
killings, widespread rape, torture, the systematic obliteration of cultural
property including the destruction of churches, and the ethnic cleansing of
200,000 Greek Cypriots--making them refugees in their own country and
bringing twenty-six years of heartbreak for the families of more than 1,500
missing persons.

Placing Turkey's invasion of neighboring Cyprus in a contemporary context,
four times as many Greek Cypriots were killed by Turkish troops as Albanians
were killed in Kosovo prior to NATO's intervention--and in one-sixth the
time frame. Yet Serbia was bombed back to the Stone Age, while Turkey's
occupation of Cyprus continues to enjoy tacit US support.

In numerous applications to the European Human Rights Commission, Turkey was
found guilty of widespread violations of human rights in Cyprus. Although
the European Court of Human Rights has ordered the Turkish government to
compensate Greek Cypriot Titina Loizidou for the loss of her property seized
during its invasion, Turkey remains the only member of the 40-nation Council
of Europe to refuse compliance with a compensation order from its human
rights court -- a breach that could lead to Turkey's expulsion from the
Council.

The 1963 constitution forced on the Cypriots by the British in a
take-it-or-leave-it standoff--with the alternative being partition--was
known as "the most rigid, inflexible, and probably the most complicated in
the world" (S.A. DeSmith, The New Commonwealth and Its Constituents). The
president, a Greek Cypriot, and the vice president, a Turkish Cypriot, could
each veto legislation. Despite comprising only 18% of the population,
Turkish Cypriots were granted three of the ten seats in the Council of
Ministers and thirty percent of the deputy positions in the House of
Representatives. A Turkish Cypriot was to be made minister of defense,
foreign affairs and finance. Turkish Cypriots were allotted 30% of the
civil service jobs and 40% of the command positions in the Army. Any change
to the constitution required a two-thirds majority of representatives from
both communities. Even the most rudimentary of governmental functions
became impracticable--for example the Turkish Cypriot leadership's voting
against income and other taxes had placed the government in danger of
bankruptcy. In short, the government was hog-tied; Cyprus' very undoing was
written into its own constitution.

Other assertions by the Turkish government, that "President Makarios craved
union with Greece and the subjugation of Turkish Cypriots . and proposed
amendments to the constitution to achieve these objectives" (Insight
Magazine, Feb. 7), are patently false. By the time this ill-conceived
marriage of a government and its unworkable constitution was imposed on
Cyprus, Makarios was opposed to union with Greece. He sought complete
independence for Cyprus and a unified sovereign state that protected the
rights of all Cypriots, both Greek and Turkish.

It was precisely because Makarios opposed union with Greece that Greek
extremists shelled the presidential palace and twice attempted to
assassinate him. The amendments he proposed to the constitution were
designed to make the government (which has been described by legal experts
as "the first in the world to be denied majority rule by its own
constitution") somewhat workable and to reflect a closer approximation of
the true ratio of Greeks to Turks in Cyprus. Makarios submitted these
proposals to the Vice President, a Turkish Cypriot, who did not respond.
Instead, the Turkish government, reflecting its dominant role in separatist
efforts, answered for him: Turkey rejected the proposals out of hand and
forbade the Turkish Cypriots from even discussing them. Shortly thereafter,
the Turkish Cypriots abandoned the government completely.

Turkey's 1974 assault on Cyprus is commonly referred to by many in the media
as a "landing", a "dispatch of troops" or as anything other than what it
was: a brutal invasion. Turkey also misleadingly argues that the invasion
was authorized by the Treaty of Guarantee. The Treaty of Guarantee provided
that one of the guarantor powers (England, Greece or Turkey) could intervene
in an emergency but only in order to restore the country to its original
(unified) state, and certainly not to partition, ethnically cleanse or
occupy it. And under the U.S.-Turkey Agreement of July 1947, American
consent was required for the use of military force by Turkey because
virtually all of Turkey's military equipment, weapons, tanks and fighter
jets, was supplied by the U.S. This consent was never given. On the very
day of the invasion, July 20, 1974, the United Nations Security Council
condemned Turkey for its aggression, demanding that Turkey withdraw all
troops and allow the displaced Greek Cypriots to return to their confiscated
homes.

There have been at least three further UN resolutions since 1974 demanding
the same, but Turkey has ignored them all. This is why the "Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus," the TRNC, is not recognized by any country in
the world except for Turkey and has no legitimate international standing.

The continuing insistence on partition by Turkey, using the protection of
the Turkish-Cypriot community as a pretext, is merely part of Turkey's
long-held expansionist plans for the island. According to Professor John L.
Scherer, in Blocking the Sun: The Cyprus Conflict, "Since the 1950s, [Turkey
's] plan had been to turn northern Cyprus into a Turkish-run province.
Ankara needed an excuse to intervene, and that was provided by George Grivas
and EOKA fighters. If there had been no EOKA, however, the Turks and
Turkish Cypriots would have found another pretext. They would have planted
their own bombs in Turkish-Cypriot areas and blamed the Greek Cypriots in
order to justify the Turkish invasion."

Attempts are also made to minimize the 80% Greek majority's cultural and
historical claim to the island through assertions like: "Turkish and Greek
Cypriots occupied the island for centuries under a succession of sovereigns
before the Republic of Cyprus was established in 1960" (Insight Magazine,
Feb. 7).

Because of its geo-strategic position in the Mediterranean and the bounty of
its natural resources, Cyprus has been invaded and intermittently ruled over
by many: Phoenicians, Assyrians, Persians, Romans, English, Lusignans,
Genoese, Marmelukes, Venetians, Ottomans, and again the English. The
Ottomans invaded in 1571 and controlled Cyprus for three hundred years (its
longest period of cultural stagnation), but through all of its decidedly
civilized history it has remained a Greek nation in language, architecture,
art, music, culture and spirit.

As noted by Christopher Hitchens in Hostage to History, "the complexity and
variety of Cypriot history cannot efface, any more than could its numerous
owners and rulers, one striking fact. The island has been, since the Bronze
Age, unmistakably Greek." Out of 7,000 years of history, the Turks have
been in Cyprus a mere 300 years. Based on this and an 18% minority, Turkey'
s military establishment, with a seemingly truncated memory, believes that
Cyprus should be part of Turkey.

Most troubling for the future of Cyprus is the apartheid-like creed,
parroted by some journalists covering the issue, that Greek Cypriots and
Turkish Cypriots will never be able to live in harmony (although they did so
for three hundred years), therefore let's maintain the Attila Line that has
been imposed on both communities by the Turkish military and forget about
finding a solution. It is no accident that this is identical to the
argument used by Turkish extremists in the 1950s to promote the idea of
partition-one separate state for Turkish Cypriots, another for Greeks.

It is this very separatist objective-engineered by Turkey's ruling military
establishment to achieve its goal of taksim, or the partition of Cyprus (and
further exacerbated by Britain, America and the Greek junta's disastrous
intrigues in Cyprus)-that initiated the cycle of violence by extremists of
both communities in 1963 after centuries of peaceful coexistence.

While Turkey has refused to allow Greek Cypriot refugees to return to their
homes in the occupied north, the Cypriot Government has kept Turkish-Cypriot
homes in trust for them in the hope that they will one day return when
Cyprus is united.

Situated in the UN-controlled buffer-zone, Pyla serves as an example of what
can be achieved when the divisive effect of Turkey's occupation regime is
removed. It is one of the few villages on the island where Greek and
Turkish Cypriots still live together peacefully as they had done for
centuries.

A recent mobilization by Turkish Cypriots to find a blood donor for a
6-year-old Greek Cypriot boy with leukemia further underscores the
speciousness of the myth, propagated for the very purpose of keeping Cyprus
divided, that both communities are somehow inherently incapable of living
together.

Another disinformation bite promoted by the Turkish government and its
spindoctors here is that the Turkish-occupied part of the island functions
as a democracy.

As confirmed by the State Department's most recent Human Rights Report and
by independent human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and
Human Rights Watch, Turkey is among the worst human rights violators on
earth, where torture and extra-judicial killings remain a part of its
political landscape. For the fifth consecutive year the Turkish state has
led the world in imprisoned journalists ahead of China and Syria, and has
recently admitted to using death squads to kill as many as 14,000 people
since the 1980's.

As the TRNC is in reality a puppet administration that answers directly to
the Turkish state, the same authoritarian repression that afflicts Turkey
also pervades occupied Cyprus. Turkish Cypriots critical of Denktash's
occupation regime have asked that their identities be kept confidential, as
one economics professor did, for example, when interviewed by the BBC ("the
fact that she didn't want to be identified was significant", BBC News,
9/1/98).

The assassination of prominent Turkish Cypriot journalist Kutlu Adali in
1996 is instructive--his assassination is widely attributed to extremists
working on behalf of the Turkish state. According to Professor Claire
Palley, a British constitutional law expert, Adali was murdered six days
after the European Human Rights Commission declared Cyprus' application
against Turkey admissible and "after it became obvious he would have been a
witness" in the case. Adali's writings had been extensively quoted in the
application, and Palley stated that Adali "proved Turkey's colonisation of
Cyprus . . . [and its] compelling Turkish Cypriots to emigrate"

Anyone who wants to believe that the TRNC is a democracy will soon be
disappointed upon visiting occupied Cyprus, and taking note of the
square-helmeted, goose-stepping soldiers wielding machine guns on every
corner. Cross the Green Line in Nicosia into the Turkish sector and try to
photograph any building or videotape any street scene and you will soon find
yourself camera-less, in jail, or both.

That apologists of the occupation regime are under the misperception that
this is how a democracy should function is indeed part of the problem. And,
much like the situation with the former Berlin Wall, now there are Turkish
Cypriots from the north escaping to the south to return to their old
neighborhoods among the Greeks; their homes, as guaranteed by Cypriot law,
still waiting for them.

As was recently reported by Gregory Copley of The International Strategic
Studies Association in Washington DC, "[t]he Turkish Cypriots' standard of
living has declined compared with that of their Greek Cypriot neighbors
since 1974. Turkish Cypriots, with 37 percent of the land and the best
agricultural and tourist areas of the island, earn only 30 percent of the
average wage of the Greek Cypriots."

European Foreign Affairs Commissioner Hans van den Broek protested that the
Turkish Cypriot community was being "victimized" and withheld from "a better
and more prosperous future" as a result of Turkey's insistence on an
occupied and divided Cyprus.

An increasing number of Turkish Cypriots have realized that the future of a
prosperous Cyprus is a united one without Turkish troops. Rejecting the
hard-line partitionist stand of the occupation regime, in October 1999 an
influential bloc of 23 Turkish-Cypriot trade unions and professional
organizations appealed directly to visiting U.S. envoy Alfred Moses to work
for the reunification of war-divided Cyprus on the basis of UN Security
Council resolutions that call for a unified Cyprus and a withdrawal of
occupation troops.

The TRNC's occupation regime has trapped Turkish Cypriots in a political and
economic black hole, all the while importing Turks from the depths of
Anatolia to wrest control from Cyprus' native Turkish population. As a
result, as many as half of all Turkish-Cypriots have fled their own homeland
in search of greater economic and political freedom elsewhere.

In conclusion, it should be emphasized that there were extremists on both
sides of the Cyprus conflict, while power-brokering by colonial-minded
Britain and interventionist violence by junta-era Greece clearly added fuel
to the Cypriot powder keg. But insiders know that it was Turkish designs
for partition that ultimately caused the breakdown in government and the
terrible tragedy of 1974, the repercussions of which all indigenous
Cypriots, both Greek and Turk, are still suffering today.

Cyprus is Berlin all over again, with one difference. Rather than taking
the side of civilian-controlled governments, pluralistic societies, and
democratic values, our own government has instead decided to ratify
invasion, occupation, and transnational aggression in order to sustain an
alliance of increasingly questionable value.
_______

About the author: Matthew J. Stowell is an Associate with the American
Hellenic Media Project (AHMP), a non-profit think-tank created to address
bias in the media and encourage independent, ethical and responsible
journalism. Commentaries, letters and opinion/editorials by AHMP have been
published in The Boston Globe, The Chicago Tribune, The Christian Science
Monitor, The Dallas Morning News, The Detroit News, The Economist, The
Financial Times, Forbes Global, The Miami Herald, The New York Post, The New
York Times, The Toronto Sun, USA Today, The Village Voice, The Wall Street
Journal, The Washington Post, The Washington Times and World Press Review.

A shorter version of this article was published in the form of a letter to
the editor of Insight Magazine.

_________________

American Hellenic Media Project
PO Box 1150
New York, NY 10028-0008
***@hri.org
www.ahmp.org

The American Hellenic Media Project is a non-profit organization created to
address inaccuracy and bias in the media and encourage independent, ethical
and responsible journalism.

To be added to AHMP's e-mail distribution list, or to introduce AHMP to a
friend or colleague, please forward the pertinent name and e-mail address,
with the subject heading "Add e-mail to AHMP distribution list", to
***@hri.org




From: Spirit of Truth

(using June's e-mail to communicate to you)!

[m***@yahoo.com]

http://aegeantimes.net/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=1065&mode=thread&order=0


Greek Cypriot Investigates Massacre of Turks in 1974
BY: Mete


The Greek Cypriot press imposed a broadcasting embargo on a Greek
Cypriot investigating author, who said that the realities in Cyprus
were hidden from the Greek Cypriot public and that the murderers still
alive should be tried.

The Greek Cypriots massacred 126 people, the most of which were
children and women, collectively at three Turkish Cypriot villages in
1974. Some murderers are alive. Not only the Greek Cypriot
Administration, but also all Greek Cypriot public shall apologize from
Turkish Cypriots. Compensation shall be paid to the relatives of the
victims and the murderers shall be tried.

Having made the massacre by the Greek Cypriots at the three Turkish
Cypriot villages in 1974 as a TV documentary, Greek Cypriot author
Antonis Angastiniyotis was excommunicated in his country.

Antonis Angastiniyotis, made a documentary of the collective massacre
of 126 Turkish Cypriots at Murataga, Sandallar and Atlilar villages
during the Turkish Peace Operation in 1974. After producing his
documentary entitled, "Barbarism to the Turkish Cypriots and the Other
Side of the Medallion", the journalist answered the questions of
Hurriyet and explained the reasons why he prepared a "Greek massacre
documentary" as a Greek Cypriot.

He said, "I was seeing the photos of these massacres at the Turkish
side every time I passed to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
(TRNC). However, these were never being explained at our side. When I
researched, I also saw the other side of the medallion. Therefore, I
decided to prepare a documentary. The blood and pain do not have a
nationality and flag. I search for the realities. One should come out
and say these.

The Greek Cypriot TV's did not broadcast the documentary." He added,
"If the Greek Cypriot Administration presses me too much, I will come
and live in TRNC."



Memory (Score: 1)
by Mete (***@mynet.com) on Nov 06, 2004 - 01:07 PM
(User info | Send a Message)
I have just watched a documentary on CNN Turk which is a turkish news
channel. And a retired officer who took part in the Cyprus war as a
lieutenant ,was telling his memories during the war. One part was that,
They capture 163 Greek civilians and he ordered to keep that at a safe
place. And he says they were hungry and thirsty.Turkish soldier had
food for 3 days with them. The lieutenant calls his sub officer and
says him to tell the soliders if they want to share their food with the
greeks, he will be happy but it wasnt an order..Then Turkish soldiers
started to leave food for them.
The lieutenant goes to check the greeks and see that noone touhced
them.He calls a gil who was speaking english and she says the priest
told them that Turks wanted to posion them. Then he got mad and he eats
from the food . Then he says the greeks rushed to the food..and it was
a sad part for my life.

[m***@yahoo.com]

http://www.turkses.com/index.asp




GREEK CYPRIOTS HAVE ALWAYS HARBOURED PKK AND OTHER INTERNATIONAL
TERROR GROUPS

Greek Cypriot support given to the PKK terrorist organisation, known as
one of the most dangerous international terror groups in the world, has
once been proven, when a Cypriot passport issued by the Greek Cypriot
Administration in South Cyprus was found in the possession of PKK
leader Abdullah OCALAN who was recently captured and arrested by the
Turkish security officers.

The Turkish Government has stated that the passport found in OCALAN's
possession bore the name of LAZAROS MAVROS, the current President of
the Committee for Solidarity with Kurdistan, operating in south Cyprus
with the purpose of securing all sorts of support to PKK in this part
of the island.

Despite the Greek Cypriot sides desperate denials of its role in this
passport issue, its link with PKK in particular and international
terrorism in general has been proven with various reports, press
articles and other official documents.

Indeed, not only the Greek Cypriot officials but also other non- or
semi-official figures or organisations have, at times, been reported to
have been supporting and harbouring morally and materially, PKK and
other terror groups, such as ASALA. The prevailing mentality has always
been The enemy of my enemy is my friend, that has finally backfired, as
seen in the recent Kurdish violence against the Greeks in connection
with the arrest of CALAN and his subsequent bringing to Turkey.

SAMPSON

An ex-EOKA militant and the man installed for a few days as the Greek
Cypriot President in July 1974 by the Greek coupists who toppled over
Makarios Nicos SAMPSON is one of the Greek Cypriot figures who has been
linked to many acts of terrorism after 1974.

During those days when he was in the jail in South Cyprus, he planned a
series of terrorist acts against Turkey. The most striking aspects of
these acts were that their origin was Europe and that third parties
were employed.

Year 1976 was one when the Armenian and Arab terrorists chose France as
a base for their acts. French intelligence agency permitted PLOs
terrorist groups to be settled in France with the condition of not
giving any harm to the French interests both in and outside the
country.

In the years after 1975, during which international terrorism and
terror acts against Turkey were escalating, a report from Cyprus did
not draw much attention. Greek Cypriot President gave partial amnesty
to Nicos Sampson, a cancer patient, to go to France for treatment.
Sampson flew to Paris for treatment.

About four years after Sampsons arrival in Paris, ie. in 1980 when
terror turned Europe into a blood-lake, certain information reached
INTERPOL. The information was about a bomb blast on 3 October 1980 at a
synagogue in Copernicus Street in Paris that caused the death of many
people. Explosives were implanted in a Suzuki 125 model car and was
exploded with an electronic device. The car had been bought from a
used-car gallery for 1000 dollars at Grand Arme Avenue on 23 September.


In his deposition to the police, the gallery owner said that the car
was bought by a short, thin man with a moustache wearing blue jeans and
a leather jacket. For the preparation of the cars documents a Greek
Cypriot passport issued in South Cyprus was used. The passport was
issued under the name of Alexanders Panariou. Embassy of the Greek
Cypriot Administration in South Cyprus in Paris claimed that the
passport was fake.

According to the police Spanish terrorist Ernesto Mila Rodriguez was
behind this incident. Rodriguez had been caught, shortly before this
incident, while trying to smuggle Ingram sub-machine guns.

Names of four other Spanish terrorists were also mentioned in
connection with the synagogue explosion. While the investigation into
the issue was under way, the perpetrators had relations with Nicos
Sampson and some other Greek Cypriots living in Paris and frequently
visited South Cyprus. The passports of these Spanish terrorists caught
by the police contained many entry-exit visa stamps to and from South
Cyprus and Beirut. Also an address reading, Rue de la Pane, 100 was
found in the terrorists possession. This was Nicos Sampsons home
address in Paris.

French police found out that Sampson had occasional meetings with
suspected Greek Cypriots, Greek diplomats, Armenian businessmen and
Arabs. The most striking activity of Sampson was to rent houses and
provide cars for certain Arabs known as terrorists, using Greek Cypriot
names. He especially had very close relations with Syrians and Libyans.
He was supplying them with Greek Cypriot passports to use for their
acts and helping them to leave the country with planes of South Cyprus.


LYSSARIDES

Besides Sampson Dr Vassos Lyssarides, the leader of the Socialist EDEK
Party in South Cyprus, has been actively and seriously involved in
anti-Turkish terrorism both before and after 1974.

Lyssarides is the founder of the the Committee for Solidarity with
Kurdistan, established with the aim of supporting and harbouring PKK in
South Cyprus. His name is also linked with ASALA and other Arab terror
groups. He has constantly worked to bring such terrorist groups to the
island, give them all sorts of support and assistance and unleash them
on to the Turkish targets from their Southern Cyprus base.

In his speeches delivered during anti-Turkish rallies in Athens and
Paris in 1976, Lyssarides openly declared that they were preparing for
a second Vietnam War in order to expel the Turks from the island.

For 40 years, Vassos Lyssarides has been playing the same game over the
island of Cyprus. His relations with certain persons have drawn the
attention of foreign intelligence agencies. He has also served as an
adviser to the Palestinian, Libyan and Syrian terrorists.

Being well aware of the hostile feelings of Greek Cypriots against the
Turks and wishing to exploit this for its own ends, the Syrian
intelligence agency Mukhaberat has managed to turn the island into a
base for international terrorism, by using Lyssarides as a tool. By the
end of 1970s, in more than 30 camps in South Cyprus, Greek, Greek
Cypriot, Armenian, Kurdish, Turkish (Communist militant) terrorists, as
well as terrorists from various other countries were under the training
of Cuban, Libyan, Palestinian and Greek army officers.

That Greece transported arms and ammunition to PKK and ASALA terrorists
through South Cyprus was revealed by the Israeli intelligence agency,
Mossad. Moreover, Israeli patrol ships, at times, searched South Cyprus
and Greece registered ships off the Lebanon to find large quantities of
Kalashnikov guns. In the meantime, it was found out that Lyssarides and
his men often went to Lebanon and Syria and met Majeed Sharar, known as
the coordinator of terrorist acts against Turkey, terrorist leaders
Abou Nidal, and George Habbash.

By 1983, acts by the Greek-Greek Cypriot trio against Turkeys security
have been noticeably intensified. In the meantime, Turkish intelligence
units obtained information to the effect that Greek and Greek Cypriot
agents established contacts with Kurdish and Turkish terrorists who
fled to West Germany, Switzerland and Sweden after committing crimes in
Turkey.

News arriving from South Cyprus also confirmed these reports. It was
also reported that about 50 terrorists who fled Turkey on 20 September
1980 agreed to collaborate with Greece and South Cyprus.

All the contacts and links were forged by Lyssarides and his men.
Lyssarides has a dark past. In his book entitled, AKEL: The Communist
Party of Cyprus (A Stanford University publication), researcher T.W.
Adams gives the following information about Lyssarides:

Lyssarides. He established the Cyprus Representation of Asian-African
Peoples Solidarity Organisation (AAPSO). It was Makarios who wanted
most the establishment of ties with this organisation. He thought
differently from Lyssarides who wished to make Cyprus Communist. His
aim was to infiltrate into the third-world countries in order to gain
strength. Lyssarides who was elected MP and Parliament Speaker in 1981
is so merciless that he had his men kill AAPSOs Secretary General,
during a General Assembly meeting of the organisation in Nicosia, just
because the latter prevented his appointment to a high-level post
within the organisation as he knew his (Lyssaridess) true personality.

Lyssarides has a private armed group that has links with terror groups.
Greek Cypriot press gave, in mid-1980s, introduced Lyssarides as Libyan
leader Qaddafis man and gave interesting information about him. For
instance, it was written that the Cypro-Libya company operating in
South Nicosia was a cover-up firm that laundered the money he was given
to feed terrorist groups. The firm was also used as a base of Libya and
Syria for their acts in Western Europe and the U.S. One of the most
important activities of Cypro-Libya was drugs and arms-smuggling.

Lyssarides still nurtures international and anti-Turkish terrorism and
pursues an adamant and militant policy against Turkey. He has recently
pulled out from a coalition Government under Clerides, because the
latter has agreed not to deploy the S-300 missiles in South Cyprus.

Lyssarides is reported to have lent support to pro-PKK demonstrators in
South Cyprus who carried out a number of frenzied demos in protest of
Abdullah calans capture.

ROLANDIS

Nicos Rolandis, a former Foreign Minister of the Greek Cypriot
Administration in South Cyprus, is among the Greek Cypriot high-ranking
officials who are linked with support to international terrorism.

INTERPOL has found out that business partners of Rolandis, namely
Moassil from Kuwait and Joseph Sambi from Lebanon were involved in arms
and heroin smuggling and supplied arms to separatist terrorist
organisations in South Cyprus. Rolandis, Moassil and Joseph were known,
between 1981-84, as linkages of drug-trafficking to the Middle and
Western Europe via South Cyprus. While drugs were sent to the West
through Cyprus and smuggled arms arriving from the West, to the East.

Rolandis and his partners were loading arms aboard Cyprus-registered
ships at Varna Port in Bulgaria, storing them at Larnaca port in south
Cyprus and there, in return for the drugs they took over, they were
smuggling to the East, through Cyprus, the arms arriving from the West.
The drugs, on the other hand, were being sent to Europe in diplomatic
courier sacks aboard the planes of the national flag carrier Cyprus
Airways.

Concerned about the whole affair, the Greek Cypriot press in the South
occasionally raised the issue and informed the public opinion about the
situation in a way that confirmed the INTERPOL findings. The papers
frequently reported that the then Foreign Minister Nicos Rolandis,
using his diplomatic immunity, sent heroin in diplomatic courier sacks,
in collaboration with his Arab partners. No-one attempted to deny all
this.

BENJAMIN

Christodulos Benjamin is known as an organiser, coordinator and patron
of terror in South Cyprus too. For many years he has served as the
Minister of Interior or Defence and he is known for his close relations
with all the terror groups in the world. Benjamin has never taken the
pains of covering up or denying these dark relations. He was known for
his fanaticism against the Turks before 1974 as well. During the era of
Makarios, he is known to have been securing contacts between KGB and
the Syrian Mukhaberat and South Cyprus.

An incident between Deputy Police Chief Paulos Stokkos and then
Interior Minister Christodulos Benjamin is an example of the latters
role in terrorism.

During those days when ASALA terrorist organisation was assassinating
the Turkish diplomats one after the other, it was Benjamin who
harboured the ASALA terrorists in South Cyprus and kept them away from
sights. There were rational persons who did not welcome Benjamins
turning the island of Cyprus into a base for terrorism and who were
concerned about this. One of these people was Paulos Stokkos, Deputy
Police Chief of the Greek Cypriot Administration in South Cyprus.
Stokkos thought that state protection granted to ASALA that committed
murders in Europe could create serious problems for South Cyprus and
did not want to allow the Armenians to stay in South Cyprus.

Thats why the two men were at loggerheads. He opposed to Benjamins
orders on the issue and resisted the stationing of the Armenian
terrorists in the South.

In order to weaken Stokkos and dismiss him from his post, Benjamin
slandered that he was a spy working for Israel and using his men as
false witnesses accused Stokkos and had him arrested. He was charged of
high treason.

When foreign diplomats in South Cyprus showed considerable interest in
the trial and Stokkos revealed Benjamins entire relations with
international relations, Interior Ministry, headed by Benjamin,
demanded the trial to be held in closed session, on the grounds of
national security. But things revealed with all the legal evidence and
documentation during the open session of the trial revealed that South
Cyprus was a base for international terrorism.

Moreover, in July 1990, it was discovered that a firm named Orbit,
belonging to an Armenian from Limassol, supplied arms to PKK, that the
then Interior Minister Benjamin organised these activities and that
arms and ammunition coming from third countries were packed in Greece
and brought to Limassol in containers belonging to Orbit company.

COMMITTEE ON SOLIDARITY FOR KURDISTAN

It is known by all that ever since 1990, Greek Cypriot administration
in South Cyprus, has been openly harbouring, abetting and accommodating
the PKK terrorist organisation, besides its previous support to other
terror groups. It is especially noteworthy that through certain
associations and organisations that it has established under the cover
of respect and advancement of human rights, the Greek Cypriot
administration has been granting logistic support to PKK.

In order to organise and manipulate these activities the Greek Cypriot
Press and Information Office and EDEK Socialist Party under Vassos
Lyssarides formed the Committee on Solidarity with Kurdistan in 1989.

In a press conference held on 4 February 1990, the then Chairman of the
Committee Theophilos Georghiades, an agent from the Greek national
intelligence agency wearing the mask of a Press and Information
Officer, revealed that the committee also had members from among the
members of parliament from various political parties in South Cyprus.

In yet another meeting organised by the Committee on 19 March 1990,
Georghiades delivered a speech on the Kurdish movement, stating that
they would support the struggle of the Kurdish people on every occasion
and by all means.

Following the Committees formation and the launch of its activities,
financial support to the Kurds has been extended in various ways.

On 12 November 1990, according to a report broadcast by the Greek
Cypriot state TV RIK-1, a group consisting of four MPs from DIKO, AKEL,
EDEK and ADISOK, as well as members of the Committee on Solidarity for
Kurdistan, as well as journalists went to the Beqaa Valley and met
Abdullah calan. RIK-1 also showed scenes filmed from the Beqaa Valley,
headquarters of PKK. Those scenes showing the Greek Cypriot MPs
embracing and kissing the PKK murderers were especially striking.

On 30 November 1990, RIK-1 held an open panel discussion on PKK. The
participants of the programme were the MPs who visited PKKs camp at
Beqaa Valley and the members of the Committee on Solidarity for
Kurdistan. The programme was concluded in the following remarks: PKK
has become a well-organised army and that it was imperative for the
Greek Cypriot administration in South Cyprus to give support to this
struggle if the Turks were to be expelled from Cyprus.

In the meantime, PKK supporters, Greek Cypriots and Armenians, bearing
flags of Kurdistan, Armenia and Greece, began to demonstrate in the
streets.

Yet in another demo, organised in south Nicosia by the Committee on
Solidarity with Kurdistan on 21 February 1991, placards were carried
and slogans were shouted to the effect that Turkey violates the rights
of the Kurdish people.

On 2 March 1991, a club was opened for the PKK militants based in South
Cyprus. Funds necessary for the building the premises of the club were
provided by the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan.

Activities aimed at nurturing PKK in South Cyprus were continued with
the establishment of an Association on the Support for the Kurdish
People by the Committee on Solidarity with Kurdistan and EDEK party.
The fact that EDEK leader Vassos Lyssarides chairs the frequently held
meetings of the Association clearly reveals the identity of the circles
who nurture the subversive activities aimed at Turkey.

One regularly observes that the Greek Cypriot community, bombarded by
the Committees pro-PKK propaganda, is sent to the streets for protests
against Turkey, bearing flags of PKK and Greece and burning the Turkish
national flag.

PKK members based in South Cyprus do not hesitate either in exploiting
the sentiments of the Greek Cypriot people in order to win their
sympathy. Between 21-26 April 1992, ten PKK militants staged a hunger
strike at Eleftheria Square in south Nicosia. This show was organised
by the Committee on Solidarity with Kurdistan. Greek Cypriot
politicians and associations also attended this event that amounted to
a festival. During this show, financial assistance was raised for PKK
and the magazine named the Voice of Kurdistan, published in Greece in
the Greek language as a propaganda material against Turkey and released
free of charge, was sold for money to the passers-by through
compulsion.

A folk-dance troupe from South Cyprus participated in the Kurdistan
Festival held by PKK in Bochum in Germany in August 1992. The troupe
was taken to Germany by Theophilos Georghiades.

Using the events in rnak as a pretext, the Committee had the Kurds in
the island organise a demo against Turkey in South Nicosia in August
1992. This demo was again a stage for collecting funds for PKK, under
the cover of humanitarian assistance. Leaflets were distributed, in
which the Greek Cypriot people were invited to deposit funds at bank
accounts at the Banks of Cyprus and Laiki, to be transferred to PKK.

Meanwhile, a representative of ARGK, the military wing of PKK, took
part in a meeting that was also participated in by Vassos Lyssarides
and Theophilos Georghiades. During the meeting, formation of sabotage
and assassination teams that would operate against the targets in
Turkey and their training and manipulation in South Cyprus were
discussed and decided upon. Georghiades was appointed as the
coordinator of this operation.

GEORGHIADES

Theophilos Georghiades was the founder and first chairman of the
Committee on Solidarity with Kurdistan. He formed a special terrorist
group, consisting of the Kurds chosen from among pro-PKK fugitives
based in Greece and Syria, that would carry out terrorist acts in
Turkey, for South Cyprus.

Eight PKK militants were caught in Turkey a few years ago, who
explained in detail how they had been trained in South Cyprus by the
officers of the Greek Cypriot National Guard to carry out terrorist
acts in Turkey.

Theophilos Georghiades were shot dead in 1994. In contrary to the
claims put forward by the Greek Cypriot administration that he had been
killed by the Turks, the truth into Georghiadess murder finally came to
surface. The truth was much more different than the Greek Cypriot
allegations.

In order for the PKK, an essentially Marxist-Leninist group, to
survive, and thus buy arms, it deals with drug-smuggling and
trafficking. This is a fact known by all.

South Cyprus is a centre from where PKK distributes its narcotics since
1988. It is in the reports of INTERPOL that Greek Mafia, the majority
of whom are ship-owners, carry PKKs drugs to Europe and America and
market them there. The ex-Chairman of the Committee on Solidarity with
Kurdistan Georghiades had established a link between the Greek Cypriot
Mafia and Abdullah calans men for the formers transporting and selling
of PKKs drugs.

In this manner, drugs transported from Syria to South Cyprus were
distributed to the rest of the world from this point. But the amount of
drugs deposited by PKK in South Cyprus rose considerably, requiring the
drop of prices proportionately. Naturally, this angered other Greek
Cypriot drug-smugglers who were dealing with the same business through
different channels. When they began to oppose PKK, Georghiades caused
the Greek and Greek Cypriot intelligence agencies, of whom he was a
member, and the police to confront these traffickers who aimed at
blocking PKKs drug-trafficking. This was a declaration war by
Georghiades on others. But this challenge cost him his life.

Indeed, one year after Georghiadess death, Greek Cypriot leader Glafkos
Clerides himself declared that the Former had been killed by three
Greek Cypriot drug-smugglers who were executed. But for one year,
Turkey was blamed falsely by the Greek Cypriot administration and the
issue was even taken to international platforms and Turkey was tried to
be unjustly cornered.

It was Lyssarides who reacted most strongly to Georghiadess murder. He
asked the Ministry of Interior to pay compensation to his family on the
grounds that he was killed while he was on duty and called on the
parliament to use the issue as a propaganda material against Turkey on
the international arena.

After a few months after Georghiadess death, that was followed by
statements and slogans of revenge on the Turks, a Turkish diplomat
named mer Sipahiolu was killed in Athens. Greek Cypriot press used
headlines reading, the Turkish diplomat was assassinated in retaliation
to Theophiloss murder.

GEORGHIDESS PRESS INTERVIEWS SHEDS AMPLE LIGHT TO GREEK CYPRIOT SUPPORT
TO PKK TERROR

Before his assassination, Theophilos Georghiades was quite active in
promoting the cause of PKK terror group. He has been interviewed by a
number of newspapers and given a considerable idea about the Greek
Cypriot support to PKK.

The Greek Cypriot daily Agon, for instance, published an interview on 2
February 1994 on the issue.

Among other things, Georghiades said: "We have a joint enemy with the
Kurds: the Turks".

The Kurds will not only be able to form their own state but also will
contribute to the solution of the Cyprus problem. Following the defeat
of the Turkish state, the Hellenes can also capitalize on the new
opportunities that would emerge from the readjustment of the
territories in the Asia Minor.

The Kurds are helping enough (South) Cyprus. Turkish armys fight with
the Kurds with 350 thousand troops is an enough help to us (Greek
Cypriots). The Turkish army fully fights the Kurds. This shows that it
cannot dare to start a second war on Greece.

As we (Greek Cypriots) cannot fight (Turkey), we should, at least, help
those who fight for us. If Turkeys problems multiply and the number of
wars she fights increases and thus she extends her battleground, the
Turkish army will either be isolated in Cyprus or will be forced to
withdraw.

The Kurds will continue to strike the Turkish tourism so as to dry up
the economic sources of the country. As far as I see and know, the
Turkish tourism will be razed to the ground in 1994.

OTHER GREEK CYPRIOT ADMIRERS OF PKK AND OCALAN

Retired Greek Army General Matafias has been known so far as PKK leader
Abdullah Ocalan in Greece. Matafias has repeatedly gone to Beqaa Valley
where he has met Ocalan and made joint plans for acts of terrorism and
murders to be committed in Turkey. He has constantly taken part in
meeting and demos held by and for the Kurds in Athens and South Cyprus.
General Matafias is known as an ardent admirer of calan, as the latter
has done to the Turks that Greece has never dared to do: ie killing the
Turks in cold-blood. Meanwhile, a recent report published in the Greek
Cypriot press has written that Retired Greek General Matafias has
become an adviser to Vassos Lyssarides. As their common denominator is
PKK, no-one has been taken surprise by the news. Matafias was among the
participants of Georghiadess funeral.

Greek Navy Retired Admiral Andonis Naksakis is known as Abdullah
Ocalans representative in Greece and his linkage to the Greek
Government. Taking part in Georghiadess funeral, as Abdullah calan,
Naksakis made a speech, saying, Until the Turkish state gives its final
breath and until Cyprus and Kurdistan gains their independence, our
struggle will continue and we will take our revenge on Georghiades.

After the death of Theophilos Georghiades, the Committee on Solidarity
with Kurdistan has been taken over by Lazaros Mavros, a journalist.
Mavros, whose name was found in the passport found in Abdullah calans
possession, is very well-known by its articles praising PKK and
Abdullah calan. While Mavros keeps silent over the passport issue,
another leading member of the Committee Lakis Pigguras are indignant
towards Greece relating to the arrest of calan. In a recent TV
programme, Pigguras accused the Greek Government of treachery for
handing over calan to the Turkish officials for trial.

Vassos Lyssaridess wife Barbara Lyssarides, Communist AKEL party MP
Andreas Philippou, EDEK MP Dimitris Eliades, EDEK official Takis
Christodoulou, former MPs Andreas Panaiotou, Christos Betas and
Georghios Savvides are the main leading figures who have devoted
themselves to the support of the PKK cause and all sorts of assistance
to the PKK terrorists and militants in South Cyprus.