hoodoorus
2004-10-24 23:18:30 UTC
While I can appreciate some enthusiasm for what the Nader/Camejo ticket has attempted to do for independent progressive politics this year, I've had a few go rounds with the ISO as a member and have long thought them worthy of the occasional drubbing they get. I can appreciate much of what the ISO does, they're a good place for a lot of folks to get their first exposure to marxist ideas. That's where I started out. I think they're great with students, but their work with rank and file workers is pretty rank and doctrinaire. They've grown up a lot, let them grow up some more. You note that they are probably the second largest socialist tendency after the CP, and maybe this is so. But I believe this comes less from their integrity then it does their tendency to simplify complex questions in much the same way the CP does. I've been watching them for a little over twenty years now, so I don't think I'm being too harsh here.
That state capitalist business of theirs is too much to swallow, and I tried for many years. They've yet to satisfactorily explain how the state forms taken by the Bolsheviks were in any way different then the nationalized forms assumed by the revolutions in, say, Cuba or China. Yet Cuba and China are state capitalist according to them, always have been, but the Soviet Union under Lenin, even given its high levels of substituionism of the Bolshevik party during the Civil War, was not state capitalist. Somehow the line the Bolshevik party had at the time made the Soviets not state capitalist, if we look at Tony Cliff's assessment of the period. It's the same sort of legerdemain one sees in the RCP, in their explanation of how the Soviet Union was socialist under Stalin, but not so under Khruschev. I just don't think that kind of politics is honest. I think they're trying to sidestep the actual errors and complexities of worker's states, prettify the errors of Leninism, and as a Leninist, I don't think that's okay. And while that might seem irrelevant, or hair splitting, I think it's a trifle of a decisive significance when it comes to the way that workers in the United States will struggle on the question of the history of worker's states. It's going to be a question that arises as we struggle to build a mass labor formation, and I think it demands a more rigorous clarity than the ISO is offering. And the only reason I'm raising this is that you almost make them seem victims of the Brit SWP in your posting, but near as I can tell, there's just as much hackery in the organization run by Shawki, Smith and comrades. Their current sucking up to Noam Chomsky, who is notoriously anti-Leninist, is nothing short of disgusting. Chomsky re-discovers the imperialist wheel, repeats outright slanders of the Bolsheviks (and make no mistake, they were wrong many times, but they weren't criminals or putschists, as he presents them), and then admits he's never studied the period. Just where do the ISO think they're going with him? Hacks, pal. They're hacks.
M. Hureaux, Seattle
-------------- Original message --------------
That state capitalist business of theirs is too much to swallow, and I tried for many years. They've yet to satisfactorily explain how the state forms taken by the Bolsheviks were in any way different then the nationalized forms assumed by the revolutions in, say, Cuba or China. Yet Cuba and China are state capitalist according to them, always have been, but the Soviet Union under Lenin, even given its high levels of substituionism of the Bolshevik party during the Civil War, was not state capitalist. Somehow the line the Bolshevik party had at the time made the Soviets not state capitalist, if we look at Tony Cliff's assessment of the period. It's the same sort of legerdemain one sees in the RCP, in their explanation of how the Soviet Union was socialist under Stalin, but not so under Khruschev. I just don't think that kind of politics is honest. I think they're trying to sidestep the actual errors and complexities of worker's states, prettify the errors of Leninism, and as a Leninist, I don't think that's okay. And while that might seem irrelevant, or hair splitting, I think it's a trifle of a decisive significance when it comes to the way that workers in the United States will struggle on the question of the history of worker's states. It's going to be a question that arises as we struggle to build a mass labor formation, and I think it demands a more rigorous clarity than the ISO is offering. And the only reason I'm raising this is that you almost make them seem victims of the Brit SWP in your posting, but near as I can tell, there's just as much hackery in the organization run by Shawki, Smith and comrades. Their current sucking up to Noam Chomsky, who is notoriously anti-Leninist, is nothing short of disgusting. Chomsky re-discovers the imperialist wheel, repeats outright slanders of the Bolsheviks (and make no mistake, they were wrong many times, but they weren't criminals or putschists, as he presents them), and then admits he's never studied the period. Just where do the ISO think they're going with him? Hacks, pal. They're hacks.
M. Hureaux, Seattle
-------------- Original message --------------
Last night I attended the 8pm plenary of a northeast regional conference
organized by the International Socialist Conference up at CCNY. Ralph
Nader's running mate Peter Camejo spoke first, followed by ISO leader
Ahmed Shawki.
The ISO is probably the largest socialist group in the USA today, next
to the CP. It is a "state capitalist" formation that broke with the
British SWP about 4 years ago in a classic instance of Comintern-type
meddling. After the ISO had raised some innocent questions about how
other sections were being funded (at least to my eyes), it was
stigmatized as "not understanding the lessons of Seattle" and either
expelled or browbeaten until forced to detach itself from the SWP's
international organization.
It has been rather successful over the past few years in general
socialist outreach and participation in the mass movements. The
chairperson at the plenary announced that 500 people had shown up for
the conference. To my eyes most seemed to be under 30 and included lots
of college students. I was also struck by the presence of more than a
handful of African-Americans. My guess is that the desire to be
connected to a socialist formation overrides Black nationalist and
separatist impulses in a period of rising capitalist crisis--especially
when the traditional "radical" Black movement has become an appendage of
the Kerry campaign.
Camejo's talk was a combination of his stump campaign speech and
observations geared to the socialist audience, which was obviously as
fond of him as the American SWP rank-and-file was back in the period
before he was expelled for challenging the party's sectarian course.
The campaign portion of his speech focused on the cognitive dissonance
aspect of support for Kerry. You have a situation in which the beliefs
and desires of the people voting for him runs counter to his professed
goals around a range of questions, including most importantly the war in
Iraq. Camejo drew big laughs and applause when he tried to imagine how
Kerry supporters reassure themselves in private conversations. They
probably tell each other that Kerry is lieing when he says that he seeks
victory in Iraq and that he will pull out after being elected. This will
be the first time in American history when a politician becomes more
popular for telling more lies.
The openly socialist portion of his speech addressed what Peter saw as
mounting contradictions in the world capitalist economy. I certainly
hope that the ISO will transcribe and publish his remarks because I can
hardly do them justice. He pointed to the likelihood that the United
States has either reached the Hibbert curve or will soon do so. This
means that the rate of economic growth will be slowed by energy
shortages. We are also facing a situation in which home ownership has
become a kind of savings plan for most working people, as house values
increase as a result of cheap mortgage rates induced by low inflation
rates. When rising energy costs leads to an inflationary spike, home
values will begin to sharply decrease. The consequence might be massive
consumer default and bankruptcy.
Both Shawki and Camejo emphasized that in a period of deepening economic
crisis, it will matter little to the average working person what Peter
Coyote or Medea Benjamin wrote in 2004 (who now apparently regrets
supporting Nader in 2000). For somebody facing eviction or unemployment,
they will remember who defied the TINA political consensus framed by the
2-party system and who stood up for working people, not left-of-center
celebrities. This has been the main reason people such people voted for
Nader. It is also the challenge to the Green Party, to decide whether it
will be a middle-class party that compromises with the billionaire
war-makers in both parties or one creating alternatives to the system.
For those who think that the Green Party will be the vehicle for the
ultimate social and economic emancipation of the USA, Camejo made it
clear that it will be another party more deeply rooted in the working
class. However, it would be a big mistake not to get involved with the
Greens today, despite its conflicting tendencies. The debate that is
going on in the Greens is important for future developments. To further
that debate, Camejo announced the formation of a Green Caucus for
Democracy and Independence. It is opposed to the Electoral College type
rules that allowed a non-entity like David Cobb to become their
Presidential candidate. It also insists that the Greens should run
*against* both Democrats and Republicans, as was the original mandate.
Last night was the first chance I heard to hear Shawki speak. In
comparison to the SWP leaders I remember with some ambivalence, he comes
across as a much more modest figure. I suspect that his relative youth
in and of itself would have to make him less cocky. In a pitch perhaps
to veterans of 1960s type sects like me, he emphasized that it is not
inevitable that socialist groups will heap recriminations on critics of
the party line. He believed that the ISO was conscious of such problems
and would avoid them. My own take on the matter is that this is a
question of methodology rather than good intentions.
Shawki had some interesting observations on an ABB-like outlook popping
up in Europe, as elements of the left begin to face the same pressure
that it faced in the USA. For example, the revolutionary parties in
France got 10 percent of the vote the last time it ran a united left
ticket. Now some party leaders are questioning that approach. They are
weighing the possibility of throwing their support behind the SP on a
"lesser evil" basis. Although Shawki did not mention any names, I was
convinced he was speaking of Trotskyist figures deeply embedded in
academia like Daniel Bensaid. In Italy, the CP/Refoundation made it a
point to reject the Olive Tree coalition of left and bourgeois parties a
couple of years ago. Now it has decided to embrace such a coalition.
As the extreme left lowers its profile and as the left-center and
traditional right parties continue to attack the living standards of
working people, it is inevitable that the extreme right parties will
begin to gain in influence as they use radical sounding demagogy.
Although we are obviously not in as extreme a crisis as in the 1930s,
this kind of "lesser evil" logic has been historically proven to lead to
the triumph of fascism. It is incumbent on radicals to avoid this
temptation and speak up as forcibly and as visibly as possible for a
class alternative to capitalist politicians and programs.
--
Marxism list: www.marxmail.org
_______________________________________________
Marxism mailing list
Marxism at lists.econ.utah.edu
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism
organized by the International Socialist Conference up at CCNY. Ralph
Nader's running mate Peter Camejo spoke first, followed by ISO leader
Ahmed Shawki.
The ISO is probably the largest socialist group in the USA today, next
to the CP. It is a "state capitalist" formation that broke with the
British SWP about 4 years ago in a classic instance of Comintern-type
meddling. After the ISO had raised some innocent questions about how
other sections were being funded (at least to my eyes), it was
stigmatized as "not understanding the lessons of Seattle" and either
expelled or browbeaten until forced to detach itself from the SWP's
international organization.
It has been rather successful over the past few years in general
socialist outreach and participation in the mass movements. The
chairperson at the plenary announced that 500 people had shown up for
the conference. To my eyes most seemed to be under 30 and included lots
of college students. I was also struck by the presence of more than a
handful of African-Americans. My guess is that the desire to be
connected to a socialist formation overrides Black nationalist and
separatist impulses in a period of rising capitalist crisis--especially
when the traditional "radical" Black movement has become an appendage of
the Kerry campaign.
Camejo's talk was a combination of his stump campaign speech and
observations geared to the socialist audience, which was obviously as
fond of him as the American SWP rank-and-file was back in the period
before he was expelled for challenging the party's sectarian course.
The campaign portion of his speech focused on the cognitive dissonance
aspect of support for Kerry. You have a situation in which the beliefs
and desires of the people voting for him runs counter to his professed
goals around a range of questions, including most importantly the war in
Iraq. Camejo drew big laughs and applause when he tried to imagine how
Kerry supporters reassure themselves in private conversations. They
probably tell each other that Kerry is lieing when he says that he seeks
victory in Iraq and that he will pull out after being elected. This will
be the first time in American history when a politician becomes more
popular for telling more lies.
The openly socialist portion of his speech addressed what Peter saw as
mounting contradictions in the world capitalist economy. I certainly
hope that the ISO will transcribe and publish his remarks because I can
hardly do them justice. He pointed to the likelihood that the United
States has either reached the Hibbert curve or will soon do so. This
means that the rate of economic growth will be slowed by energy
shortages. We are also facing a situation in which home ownership has
become a kind of savings plan for most working people, as house values
increase as a result of cheap mortgage rates induced by low inflation
rates. When rising energy costs leads to an inflationary spike, home
values will begin to sharply decrease. The consequence might be massive
consumer default and bankruptcy.
Both Shawki and Camejo emphasized that in a period of deepening economic
crisis, it will matter little to the average working person what Peter
Coyote or Medea Benjamin wrote in 2004 (who now apparently regrets
supporting Nader in 2000). For somebody facing eviction or unemployment,
they will remember who defied the TINA political consensus framed by the
2-party system and who stood up for working people, not left-of-center
celebrities. This has been the main reason people such people voted for
Nader. It is also the challenge to the Green Party, to decide whether it
will be a middle-class party that compromises with the billionaire
war-makers in both parties or one creating alternatives to the system.
For those who think that the Green Party will be the vehicle for the
ultimate social and economic emancipation of the USA, Camejo made it
clear that it will be another party more deeply rooted in the working
class. However, it would be a big mistake not to get involved with the
Greens today, despite its conflicting tendencies. The debate that is
going on in the Greens is important for future developments. To further
that debate, Camejo announced the formation of a Green Caucus for
Democracy and Independence. It is opposed to the Electoral College type
rules that allowed a non-entity like David Cobb to become their
Presidential candidate. It also insists that the Greens should run
*against* both Democrats and Republicans, as was the original mandate.
Last night was the first chance I heard to hear Shawki speak. In
comparison to the SWP leaders I remember with some ambivalence, he comes
across as a much more modest figure. I suspect that his relative youth
in and of itself would have to make him less cocky. In a pitch perhaps
to veterans of 1960s type sects like me, he emphasized that it is not
inevitable that socialist groups will heap recriminations on critics of
the party line. He believed that the ISO was conscious of such problems
and would avoid them. My own take on the matter is that this is a
question of methodology rather than good intentions.
Shawki had some interesting observations on an ABB-like outlook popping
up in Europe, as elements of the left begin to face the same pressure
that it faced in the USA. For example, the revolutionary parties in
France got 10 percent of the vote the last time it ran a united left
ticket. Now some party leaders are questioning that approach. They are
weighing the possibility of throwing their support behind the SP on a
"lesser evil" basis. Although Shawki did not mention any names, I was
convinced he was speaking of Trotskyist figures deeply embedded in
academia like Daniel Bensaid. In Italy, the CP/Refoundation made it a
point to reject the Olive Tree coalition of left and bourgeois parties a
couple of years ago. Now it has decided to embrace such a coalition.
As the extreme left lowers its profile and as the left-center and
traditional right parties continue to attack the living standards of
working people, it is inevitable that the extreme right parties will
begin to gain in influence as they use radical sounding demagogy.
Although we are obviously not in as extreme a crisis as in the 1930s,
this kind of "lesser evil" logic has been historically proven to lead to
the triumph of fascism. It is incumbent on radicals to avoid this
temptation and speak up as forcibly and as visibly as possible for a
class alternative to capitalist politicians and programs.
--
Marxism list: www.marxmail.org
_______________________________________________
Marxism mailing list
Marxism at lists.econ.utah.edu
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism