Discussion:
proxies and confidentiality (six variations)
James Green-Armytage
2006-03-30 12:34:59 UTC
Permalink
Dear election methods fans,

I'd like to make a belated reply to the discussion about proxies and
confidentiality.
The issue was raised that voters could not only be *pressured not to
vote* for a representative, but that they could also be *pressured to
vote* for a representative. I think that my proposal deals a bit more
easily with the former time of pressure than the latter.
Overall, I'll say that delegable proxy, or indeed anything approaching
direct democracy, is not a very natural fit with very strong
confidentiality. Perhaps accommodations can be made to provide this, but
the system probably works best in a society where this kind of
intimidation is not a major problem.
Also note that there is sometime a tradeoff between confidentiality and
the transparency, or integrity, of the process. When information about who
voted for whom is not available, it becomes harder to verify that the
final count is correct.
I'll explore the issue of confidentiality via variations on the basic
proxy representation scheme. Each successive variation presupposes a
greater worry about coercion than the last.

To avoid repetition, I'll note that the proposal I made last month can be
found at these links
http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2006-February/017866.html
http://fc.antioch.edu/~james_green-armytage/vm/proxy_representation.htm

Variation 1: If you do not choose the secret ballot option (mentioned in
the proposal linked to above), then your choice of proxy is recorded on a
public list, which you or anyone else can view at will.
Drawbacks:
* In some political climates, voters could be pressured to publicly
declare a particular representative as their proxy, i.e. not use the
secret ballot or vote for another representative.
* Voters could be pressured against publicly voting for other candidates,
i.e. pressured into using the secret ballot option, and thus losing their
direct vote capability.
Advantage:
* Very transparent, almost no problems with integrity.
Comments: This should work best in a society where there is not much
worry about coercion.

Variation 2: Base level voters can choose between secret ballot (no
direct vote option), having their vote listed publicly, or having their
vote known by the election authority but not listed publicly. Proxies must
have their votes listed publicly.
Drawbacks
* Doesn't really solve the problem of people being pressured to vote for a
particular candidate.
Comments: This is a mix of variations 1 and 3.

Variation 3: As long as you do not declare yourself as a proxy, the
identity of your proxy is known to the election authority, but it is not
publicly available. You can request a paper receipt for your proxy
delegation, should you be unsure that your vote is being recorded
accurately.
Drawbacks:
* Although the information about base level is not officially public, it
is known, and thus can potentially be leaked.
* It is still possible for someone to put pressure on you to declare
yourself as a proxy, and thus make your delegation a matter of public
record.
Comments: Perhaps this is what Abd had in mind? Seems like a reasonable
compromise if there is some worry about coercion, but not an intense
amount of worry.

Variation 4: There is no public list of who has delegated to whom, only a
record of how the final votes were cast (i.e. the votes of the top-level
representatives). I can obtain a receipt detailing the paths that my own
votes have taken (chain of delegation, and final casting), but I cannot
obtain similar information about other midlevel proxies.
Drawbacks
* Again, the information can be leaked.
* Somewhat less accountability than in the variations in which proxies'
votes are publicly known.
Comments: Voters have to be fairly worried about coercion to adopt this
instead of variation 3. Doing so presupposes that midlevel proxies might
be a target of intimidation.

Variation 5: Non-proxy voters vote by strictly secret ballot, thus
ensuring anonymity, but also losing their ability to cast direct votes.
(If it isn't known who your proxy is, then your vote can't be subtracted
from his usual total if you vote directly, and thus direct voting can't
work.)
Drawbacks:
* Direct voting can't work
* It is still possible to pressure someone into declaring themselves as a
proxy and voting for the favored candidate.
Comments: I can't really recommend this, as the direct vote option is one
of the major benefits of the system.

Variation 6: Give up on delegable proxy altogether and just use STV with
the entire nation as one district.
Comments: This, the actual legislators are the only people whose votes
are formally recorded; hopefully at least the members of the legislature
can be protected from coercion! If not, then I guess the next step is just
to give up on democracy altogether, which resolves the problem by
realizing its worst consequence.

my best,
James

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Steve Eppley
2006-04-01 16:38:11 UTC
Permalink
Hi,

This message isn't about a new idea, but I believe the idea is important enough to repeat.
It's a way to simplify voting, to sharply reduce the campaign costs for good compromise
candidates, and to guard against the risk that a significant number of voters will neglect
to rank some good compromise candidate capable of defeating a "greater evil."

1. Before election day, each candidate publishes a top-to-bottom
ordering of the candidates.

2. On election day, each voter votes by selecting a candidate.
(What could be simpler?)

3. To tally the election, each vote is treated as if it's the ordering
published by its selected candidate. These orderings are tallied by
a good voting method, such as Maximize Affirmed Majorities (MAM).

The orderings may be "weak." (Also known as a "non-strict.")
This means candidates may be ranked as equals.

Candidates omitted from an ordering will be treated as if they'd been
ranked at the bottom (less preferred than the candidates not omitted).

The reason I believe this would reduce the campaign costs for good compromise candidates
is that they would succeed by persuading other candidates they are better than "greater
evils."

Here are a couple of variations:

If the voting technology permits, display the selected ordering
to the voter, and allow the voter to modify the ordering (perhaps
by drag and drop) before submitting it.

Allow the voter to select an ordering of candidates published
by anyone. For example, if the Los Angeles Weekly published
their recommended ordering of the candidates, the voter could
vote that ordering by selecting the L.A. Weekly.

I'll conclude by opining that a good tallying algorithm (e.g., MAM) is not too complex to
be adopted by the public. Someday there'll be far more resources available to explain how
it works, why it's a fairly straight-forward generalization of majority rule, and why it
will be good for society. Educational videos with high production values, for instance.
(Hopefully, narrated by an assortment of celebrity voices.)

Best wishes,
Steve
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r***@netscape.net
2006-04-06 20:18:29 UTC
Permalink
Post by Steve Eppley
Hi,
This message isn't about a new idea, but I believe the idea is
important enough
Post by Steve Eppley
to repeat.
It's a way to simplify voting, to sharply reduce the campaign costs
for good
Post by Steve Eppley
compromise
candidates, and to guard against the risk that a significant number of
voters
Post by Steve Eppley
will neglect
to rank some good compromise candidate capable of defeating a "greater evil."
1. Before election day, each candidate publishes a top-to-bottom
ordering of the candidates.
2. On election day, each voter votes by selecting a candidate.
(What could be simpler?)
3. To tally the election, each vote is treated as if it's the ordering
published by its selected candidate. These orderings are tallied by
a good voting method, such as Maximize Affirmed Majorities (MAM).
The orderings may be "weak." (Also known as a "non-strict.")
This means candidates may be ranked as equals.
Candidates omitted from an ordering will be treated as if they'd been
ranked at the bottom (less preferred than the candidates not omitted).
The reason I believe this would reduce the campaign costs for good
compromise
Post by Steve Eppley
candidates
is that they would succeed by persuading other candidates they are
better than
Post by Steve Eppley
"greater
evils."
This is a step in the direction of closed party lists, which are a
really bad idea.
However, I guess since the candidate submits his own list, there is
less of a
problem with a party's central office controlling the process. The
question then
becomes how someone becomes a candidate in the first place.

I am not so sure giving a boost to candiates who convince alot of other
candidates to
place them 2nd is a good idea. This promotes an "insider" effect.

You are probably right that it would be an easier sell than updating
voting
infrastructure and also, it means that anyone can easily check the
results which is
not possible in most ranked elections. It would need to be made clear
that
improving efficiency by implementing party list system is not a natural
next step.
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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-06 21:22:25 UTC
Permalink
Post by r***@netscape.net
This is a step in the direction of closed party lists, which are a
really bad idea.
Actually, it is a step *away* from such lists. As long as anyone can
declare and run as a candidate. Note that even write-in candidates
would work, provided that the write-in has submitted a list in
advance (if the lists are provided in advance, which they are in this
proposal).
Post by r***@netscape.net
However, I guess since the candidate submits his own list, there is
less of a
problem with a party's central office controlling the process. The
question then
becomes how someone becomes a candidate in the first place.
How about by registering with the election officials? Perhaps with a
petition signed by a certain number of voters, relatively modest.
But, as I mention above, as long as anyone files a list with the
election officials prior to the election, with the proposal as it is,
write-ins would work. They would not be wasted votes, unlike most write-ins.

Hey folks, it is a really brilliant proposal, wish I had thought of
it myself....
Post by r***@netscape.net
I am not so sure giving a boost to candiates who convince alot of other
candidates to
place them 2nd is a good idea. This promotes an "insider" effect.
Ah, but insiders know each other. The problem with outsiders is that
they are unknown. Ever notice that periodically "outsiders" -- or
those who pretend to be so -- are elected in a backlash, and then
nothing really changes, as the "outsiders" turn out to be the same
old same old?

I think this is a *strength* of the proposal. I think that
politicians know each other much better than the general public knows
them. And breaking into this system would not be difficult at all.
You just start participating in politics at a low level, so that you
get to know people. You become an insider, in a word. It would be, I
think, harder to buy yourself in, by coming in as a "reformer", i.e.,
all too often, as someone spending their own wealth to gain office.
It is expensive to run campaigns. If you are funded by existing
organizations and structures, you are, by definition, an "insider."
If you are not funded by these, it is almost impossible to raise the
necessary funding, so "outsiders" must almost intrinsically be
wealthy or supported by the wealthy. It's not rocket science.
Post by r***@netscape.net
You are probably right that it would be an easier sell than updating
voting
infrastructure and also, it means that anyone can easily check the
results which is
not possible in most ranked elections. It would need to be made clear
that
improving efficiency by implementing party list system is not a natural
next step.
That would, of course, not improve efficiency at all, it would merely
complicate the process and make it more manipulable by disempowering
individual candidates and putting the power into less accountable
party structures. I can't imagine why one would move from a candidate
list system to a party list system. What in the world would be
gained? A party could already insist that its candidate follow a
party-approved list; what the candidate system would do is to allow
candidates to run independently of parties. Of course, any candidate
could get around an imposed party-list system unless it were made
difficult to form a party. There are anti-democratic measures that
are sometimes taken to do this....

I think it is a pretty safe proposal.

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Jobst Heitzig
2006-04-07 07:35:13 UTC
Permalink
Hey folks!

Brilliant idea in my opinion, too!

I suggest the following phases of implementation:

First phase: Don't change ballots, just tally according to the published
orderings, using whatever nice ranked-ballot method (preferably DMC for
its simplicity)

Second phase: Change the ballot so that voter can not only mark her
favourite but can also indicate some additional candidates as "also
approved". In this way, counting remains simple. For the tallying, the
individual voter's ranking is automatically constructed like this: X is
above Y if either X is approved but Y is not, or X is above Y in the
published ranking.

Third phase: Change the ballot further so that it alternatively allows
to specify a ranking (optionally with approval cutoff) directly.

Yours, Jobst
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
Post by r***@netscape.net
This is a step in the direction of closed party lists, which are a
really bad idea.
Actually, it is a step *away* from such lists. As long as anyone can
declare and run as a candidate. Note that even write-in candidates
would work, provided that the write-in has submitted a list in
advance (if the lists are provided in advance, which they are in this
proposal).
Post by r***@netscape.net
However, I guess since the candidate submits his own list, there is
less of a
problem with a party's central office controlling the process. The
question then
becomes how someone becomes a candidate in the first place.
How about by registering with the election officials? Perhaps with a
petition signed by a certain number of voters, relatively modest.
But, as I mention above, as long as anyone files a list with the
election officials prior to the election, with the proposal as it is,
write-ins would work. They would not be wasted votes, unlike most write-ins.
Hey folks, it is a really brilliant proposal, wish I had thought of
it myself....
Post by r***@netscape.net
I am not so sure giving a boost to candiates who convince alot of other
candidates to
place them 2nd is a good idea. This promotes an "insider" effect.
Ah, but insiders know each other. The problem with outsiders is that
they are unknown. Ever notice that periodically "outsiders" -- or
those who pretend to be so -- are elected in a backlash, and then
nothing really changes, as the "outsiders" turn out to be the same
old same old?
I think this is a *strength* of the proposal. I think that
politicians know each other much better than the general public knows
them. And breaking into this system would not be difficult at all.
You just start participating in politics at a low level, so that you
get to know people. You become an insider, in a word. It would be, I
think, harder to buy yourself in, by coming in as a "reformer", i.e.,
all too often, as someone spending their own wealth to gain office.
It is expensive to run campaigns. If you are funded by existing
organizations and structures, you are, by definition, an "insider."
If you are not funded by these, it is almost impossible to raise the
necessary funding, so "outsiders" must almost intrinsically be
wealthy or supported by the wealthy. It's not rocket science.
Post by r***@netscape.net
You are probably right that it would be an easier sell than updating
voting
infrastructure and also, it means that anyone can easily check the
results which is
not possible in most ranked elections. It would need to be made clear
that
improving efficiency by implementing party list system is not a natural
next step.
That would, of course, not improve efficiency at all, it would merely
complicate the process and make it more manipulable by disempowering
individual candidates and putting the power into less accountable
party structures. I can't imagine why one would move from a candidate
list system to a party list system. What in the world would be
gained? A party could already insist that its candidate follow a
party-approved list; what the candidate system would do is to allow
candidates to run independently of parties. Of course, any candidate
could get around an imposed party-list system unless it were made
difficult to form a party. There are anti-democratic measures that
are sometimes taken to do this....
I think it is a pretty safe proposal.
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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-08 06:45:02 UTC
Permalink
Pretty much agree on first phase, because it is doable on Priority machines:
Major candidates do not need lists, but let them have one anyway.
Minor candidates NEED multiple lists, for they do not expect to win
and their backers can disagree as to which major candidate they also wish
to back.
Planned write-ins should be allowed to sign up as minor candidates.
Unplanned write-ins should get voted for with no list - does not
hurt their ability to win.

My second, and last, phase would be Ranked Choice, with Condorcet counting
- really no more difficult to get the capability and define it for voters.

Also approved is a complication I would drop - I see little demand, while
anyone whose brain works this way can rank multiple candidates equally.

Approval cutoff is a complication I would drop as not Boeing worth the pain.

DWK
Post by Jobst Heitzig
Hey folks!
Brilliant idea in my opinion, too!
First phase: Don't change ballots, just tally according to the published
orderings, using whatever nice ranked-ballot method (preferably DMC for
its simplicity)
Second phase: Change the ballot so that voter can not only mark her
favourite but can also indicate some additional candidates as "also
approved". In this way, counting remains simple. For the tallying, the
individual voter's ranking is automatically constructed like this: X is
above Y if either X is approved but Y is not, or X is above Y in the
published ranking.
Third phase: Change the ballot further so that it alternatively allows
to specify a ranking (optionally with approval cutoff) directly.
Yours, Jobst
--
***@clarityconnect.com people.clarityconnect.com/webpages3/davek
Dave Ketchum 108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY 13827-1708 607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
If you want peace, work for justice.


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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-02 01:23:23 UTC
Permalink
Post by James Green-Armytage
Overall, I'll say that delegable proxy, or indeed anything approaching
direct democracy, is not a very natural fit with very strong
confidentiality. Perhaps accommodations can be made to provide this, but
the system probably works best in a society where this kind of
intimidation is not a major problem.
This is one of the reasons for my proposal to start DP (Delegable
Proxy) with NGOs, and in particular with Free Associations, which, as
I define the term, implies no collection of central power beyond the
power to persuade by generating consensus (which can be very powerful
indeed, but which is not necessarily centralized); so it is
relatively safe. This is possible in any reasonably free society;
indeed, it is my opinion that it is possible in China now,
immediately, for another major aspect of FAs is that they don't take
positions on issues of controversy. So an FA would *not*, as an
organization, take any position likely to offend the dragon. Instead,
it would work *with* the dragon, it would simply be patriotic
citizens, for the most part, communicating and cooperating toward a
better China. So far, I've seen no sign that the central power in
China wants to discourage such communication; it simply wants to
avoid the chaos of uncontrolled mob power, it was quite frightened by
Tiananmen Square. (And I don't know how much the readers of this list
know about that event: there really was a massive rebellion of the
citizens of Beijing, and it took bringing in troops from other areas
of China *who did not speak the local language* to quell it. Local
troops sympathized with the workers, as one might expect in a
Communist country!)

It is my opinion that DP organizations will select for
trustworthiness and that such organizations will be quite capable of
dealing with local conditions and all the necessary subtleties. They
really will create democracy without offending the dragon. But, of
course, it is for the Chinese to work all this out. I'm working on
FA/DP here in the United States and for the English-speaking community.

Direct democracy, in the past, has required open participation. I've
not seen a town convert from town meeting to elected mayor-council
based on fear of intimidation. Rather the reason is that the meetings
have become tedious and tendentious, and mayor-council is perceived
as more efficient. As it is, compared to raw direct democracy without
proxy voting and without appropriate participation rules.

Given that proxy representation is a common-law right, it is amazing
to me that I find no historical record of attempts to apply it to
government in a direct democracy. Proxy representation *is* used, for
example, in the New York legislature, where representatives may cast
votes in committee by proxy, if I've got it right. I'm not convinced
that that application is a fair test of proxy representation, it is
happening at a high level in a fairly dysfunctional system, in my
opinion, that leaves most people unrepresented.

Anyway, I think we need to test DP in NGOs before we can seriously
propose it for governmental use. Fortunately, this is easy, at least
in theory. In fact, it is quite hard to get people to try it. Why?

I have my theory: it is a variation of what I called, in the past,
the "Lomax effect," more descriptively "the persistence of
inequities" effect. If a power structure is inequitable in some way,
restoring it to equity will remove power from those who currently
enjoy excess power. They will see this as a threat and will act to
prevent it from happening. And, by the terms of the problem, they
have excess power. It takes no evil conspiracy to explain this. Have
you ever noticed that those who are active and hold positions in an
organization often believe that they know and understand more about
how the organization should function than do the rank-and-file? I
have seen again and again such people fear that if the rank-and-file
gain power, they will ruin everything.

And indeed they might. Which is why power shifts must be done very,
very carefully. Delegable Proxy is a specific answer to this problem,
by concentrating trustworthiness. It is representative democracy
without elections, but through free choice. It is a solution to the
problem of scale in democracy. If it is first implemented in FAs, the
problems of corruption, as one example sometimes raised as an
objection to DP, do not have to be addressed until a time when we
know much more about how DP will actually work.
Post by James Green-Armytage
Also note that there is sometime a tradeoff between
confidentiality and
the transparency, or integrity, of the process. When information about who
voted for whom is not available, it becomes harder to verify that the
final count is correct.
Absolutely. In an open DP system, with an open assignment list,
anyone can at any time analyze the structure and verify vote counts.

However, DP with base-level secret ballot can be pretty safe and
almost as good. To understand this, I think we have to look at
exactly what is and what is not dangerous, and what risks can be, and
routinely are, accepted in secret-ballot systems.

In particular, we have no problem with identifying the members, for
example, of a city council. Yet these are the people who are actually
voting on matters of substance, who, one might think, would be most
vulnerable to pressure. But they are not, of course, for a simple
reason: there are a relatively small number of them, so police
protection can be provided for them at an affordable cost. You could
not provide this level of protection for someone who only represents
a few neighbors, nor for individual voters.

So the solution is fairly simple: a governmental DP system under
difficult conditions would be secret ballot until a certain number of
votes have been collected. Essentially, the secret ballot system
would function in a hidden way until it collects enough votes to
qualify a candidate for open identification. Yes, this requires a
trusted mechanism. A trusted mechanism is essential to secret ballot,
if it is not to be merely one way in which a dictatorship pretends to
have the support of the people.

Consider Iraq. Those who actually have power there, I will not
presume to name them, if they are interested in democracy, could set
up a system where every citizen is invited to name a proxy, the
person they most trust. This would be done secretly and privately,
and in the process the citizen would be asked if they were being
coerced. If they were being coerced, their vote would be discounted,
but not in a way that could let it be traced back to them. I won't
give details, it can be done, such that, if people trust that they
will not be betrayed, the vote counts will not betray them
individually, and would only indicate to a coercer that something
went wrong. And, of course, with a high level of credible reports of
coercion, that coercer might be arrested....

Such a single assigment can create loops, but a community,
understanding this, can decide to give enough votes to at least one
rep to put that rep over the participation threshold for the open level.

The point of such a secret-ballot designation is that it would select
a representative who actually did represent a significant
constituency. He would largely know who they are, not in specific
detail, but he would be local and would generally be relatively
accessible (though, once elected, security concerns might make him
much less accessible).

And then the rest of the system functions openly. Iraq is a tribal
society, largely, and so what we would see at a high level would
largely be tribal representatives, but chosen freely by their
communities, rather than through pure power and intimidation (as well
as more legitimate tradition and respect). The key to delegable proxy
is that it brings everyone to the table. In open DP, it is literally
everyone who cares at all to participate. (My own proposals would
allow direct voting at any level, but not direct full participation:
the right to take up everyone's time must be limited in a large
organization, or it breaks down. That's what happens at Town Meeting
as the town grows.)
Post by James Green-Armytage
Variation 1: If you do not choose the secret ballot option (mentioned in
the proposal linked to above), then your choice of proxy is recorded on a
public list, which you or anyone else can view at will.
As you have realized, this is transparent to a coercer, who will
simply require that the voter elect to be open. If you need secrecy,
and you need a simple system, it must be secret for everyone *except*
for people whom the society can afford to protect. Which means a
relative few under difficult conditions.

Under good conditions, coercion has become rare enough that police
resources can be brought to bear on the few exception.

I don't think, for example, that there would be any significant
problem with open DP in the U.S. It is enough that extortion is
illegal. Someone trying to coerce a voter would be taking a huge
risk, for a very small gain. One vote is just one vote. And if you
try to coerce thousands of votes, discovery becomes practically inevitable.

But, again, we can find out. We don't have to jump off the cliff. We
can do it outside of government.
Post by James Green-Armytage
Variation 2: Base level voters can choose between secret ballot (no
direct vote option), having their vote listed publicly, or having their
vote known by the election authority but not listed publicly. Proxies must
have their votes listed publicly.
Drawbacks
* Doesn't really solve the problem of people being pressured to vote for a
particular candidate.
Yes. This leaves the same problem in place.

Direct vote, in my view, is desirable but not essential. It is enough
that relatively low-level proxies have direct voting privileges. The
people in general will have good access to those people, because they
will not represent many. Through them the people will have access to
the top level. Yes, blocks of opinion below a threshold will be off
the radar. But a society which needs secret assignments has much more
serious and urgent problems to deal with. It's enough, under those
conditions, that every major group be represented proportionally.

Asset Voting, by the way, accomplishes much the same thing, producing
a peer assembly. Ultimately, though, I think DP is simpler, and would
transition quite easily into full, open DP. Which is much, much more
than an election method.
Post by James Green-Armytage
Variation 3: As long as you do not declare yourself as a proxy, the
identity of your proxy is known to the election authority, but it is not
publicly available. You can request a paper receipt for your proxy
delegation, should you be unsure that your vote is being recorded
accurately.
And, as you went on to note, this does not solve the secrecy problem,
for several reasons. If you request a receipt, you can then prove
that you voted as demanded. It must be impossible for you to prove
that, or small-scale coercion can work. Essentially, all
secret-ballot designations must be secret, and everyone must
designate by secret ballot. Secret-ballot DP elects representatives,
it cannot be ongoing. However, those representatives will ideally be
serving on a relatively small scale; the number of votes they have
received will be public record, but not who gave them those votes,
and their subsequent choice of proxy will be public. And changeable
at will. It is a direct democracy of those elected in the first round.

Simple open DP is *much* more straightforward. I think it has
implications that few, so far, have noticed, though I keep harping
away at them....
Post by James Green-Armytage
* Although the information about base level is not officially public, it
is known, and thus can potentially be leaked.
The problem only exists if you want to have specific interactivity
between base-level voters and the proxies they choose, and if you
want to allow direct voting on issues. Clearly, if you allow direct
voting, you would need to know who chose whom, so that the votes
would not be counted twice for some. Direct voting as a routine
matter, on all issues, which would be one possible solution, with the
proxies only serving to negotiate consensus, is a possible solution,
but it does require frequent voting with everyone participating,
which, in my view, is largely impractical and even inadvisable, for
reasons that I don't think I have to elaborate.
Post by James Green-Armytage
* It is still possible for someone to put pressure on you to declare
yourself as a proxy, and thus make your delegation a matter of public
record.
Those who act, subsequent to the secret ballot, must be willing to be
public, and perhaps should be declared candidates. But that they are
willing to be public should not be enough for their identities to be
confirmed by the voting agency. All that will be announced by the
agency is the identity of those receiving a threshold level of votes,
and the number of votes they received. In one implementation, even
the agency would not know who actually voted. So pressure on a voter
to declare consent to serve will not be sufficient to make that
voter's actions visible. The voter would have to actually *receive*
the required votes, and since the ballots would be secret and thus
presumably not coerced, what would have happened is that the coercer
would simply have created a candidate with votes. Coercion is not
necessary for that!

However, there is one problem, which is loops. In standard DP, loops
are easy to deal with. It is commonly overlooked that loops in full
DP are necessary, for if everyone designates a proxy, then a
top-ranked proxy designates someone of a lower rank. The
relationships could get quite complex; but what has happened in this
case is simply that a top "official" has designated a stand-in, to
serve in his absence, which is what a proxy is, anyway. But in secret
ballot DP, how could we deal with "wasted votes"? i.e., votes that do
not end up being assigned to a candidate with sufficient votes to be
identified publicaly and to act at a higher level.

In open DP, one simply informs those "trapped" in such a loop. Any
member of the loop may break or at least enlarge it by designating
someone outside the loop. Loops are harmful only when they result in
lack of representation, which is much less of a problem in open DP
because all can review the record and vote directly, and it is simple
to join a proxy group by designating the proxy.

(Actually, in the FA/DP implementations I'm working on, proxies must
be *accepted* to be effective. A proxy is like a professional, and
the constituents are like clients. Indeed, I'm coming to use the word
"client" for the one who is served by a proxy. Anyway, it may not be
so easy to just grab a proxy when needed. The proxy must agree to
serve, and service means much more than voting.)
Post by James Green-Armytage
Comments: Perhaps this is what Abd had in mind? Seems like a reasonable
compromise if there is some worry about coercion, but not an intense
amount of worry.
I think it is easy to adjust the level of secrecy to the need. FA/DP
implementations will almost certainly not require secrecy, though,
paradoxically, secrecy becomes much easier to obtain with little or
no harm. This is because FAs don't really make binding decisions; for
FAs, what is important is communication and measurement of consensus,
and when you are trying to measure consensus, a few votes here or
there don't really matter. And even if someone fakes a whole slew of
votes, even a *majority* of votes, they end up with a handful of
straw, because nobody will actually salute the flag they raise. FAs
don't collect power to be grabbed through fraud. Rather, they
communicate, and someone who creates a whole fake caucus in an FA in
order to appear strong will be spending tremendous effort for a tiny
gain, if any gain at all.

So participants in FAs can be anonymous. The proof that one is not
dealing with an illusion of a large number of people will come when a
caucus has gathered the support of supposedly 10,000 people to
contribute to a PAC, with polls indicating they will contribute an
average of $50 each. And what actually shows up at the PAC is what
the fraud behind the show can afford to personally contribute.... FAs
do not leverage power, which is where they differ radically from
traditional organizations, and which is why they may be able to
accomplish things that have so far eluded us. The power remains with
the people, until they individually choose to collect it and apply it
for a specific purpose. That purpose may create a traditional
board-controlled organization with a charter as chosen and supported
by the voluntary donations. And there is a whole history behind this,
it does work, quite well.
Post by James Green-Armytage
[...]
Variation 5: Non-proxy voters vote by strictly secret ballot, thus
ensuring anonymity, but also losing their ability to cast direct votes.
(If it isn't known who your proxy is, then your vote can't be subtracted
from his usual total if you vote directly, and thus direct voting can't
work.)
Exactly.
Post by James Green-Armytage
* Direct voting can't work
* It is still possible to pressure someone into declaring themselves as a
proxy and voting for the favored candidate.
Not if the declaration alone is not sufficient to allow participation
uplevel. The wasted-vote problem does exist, possibly, but there are
ways around that, which can get more complex; again, I won't get into it now.

The major thing to realize is that secrecy is not a normal condition.
It is only necessary under circumstances of great instability and the
breakdown of the social fabric, where lawlessness is rampant. We
institutionalized the secret ballot, and I suspect it has been
useful, but I have never heard of an attempt at vote coercion at a
Town Meeting. I've never seen a recorded vote at Town Meeting, but
anyone who cares can see how people vote. Cummington is a very
liberal town; from what people say publicly, you'd never know that
Bush got one-third of the vote here. A town resolution to advise
Massachusetts representatives to act to remove the national guard
from Iraq passed with, I think, only one or two dissenting votes. I
sensed no pressure at that meeting. But, then again, there may be
subtle pressure. But there will always be subtle pressure, and
periodic secret ballot validation of what is going on may well be
advisable. Indeed, if FA/DP in Non-Governmental Organizations does
what I expect it can and will do, the existing structure does not
have to change at all. FA/DP will have organized the electorate,
which can then manage the existing electoral structure. You can do
practically anything you want if you can find consensus (including
change the constitution, which really only takes a distributed
plurality), and if it is working correctly, there is no harm in
periodic secret ballots for the selection of officers. I'd expect
them to rubber-stamp the extra-governmental consensus (or, if there
is no consensus, to match quite closely the FA/DP poll results). If
they did not, something is drastically wrong, and we'd be grateful to find out!

(For close match with secret ballot, the FA/DP organization would
require identity validation, which is relatively easy. We would know
if it was necessary by such results. There would also be a skewing of
ballot results from the difference between the FA voting body and the
registered and actually voting public in the secret ballot, but that
should be relatively easy to compensate for.)
Post by James Green-Armytage
Comments: I can't really recommend this, as the direct vote option is one
of the major benefits of the system.
Absolutely. Many critics of DP don't seem to get that what we are
recommending is direct democracy, but with something added: the
option to vote by proxy, plus, with DP, the routine delegability of
such proxy assignments. Nobody has to exercise that option, but
everyone who does so potentially gains flexibility and access.
Post by James Green-Armytage
Variation 6: Give up on delegable proxy altogether and just use STV with
the entire nation as one district.
Comments: This, the actual legislators are the only people whose votes
are formally recorded; hopefully at least the members of the legislature
can be protected from coercion! If not, then I guess the next step is just
to give up on democracy altogether, which resolves the problem by
realizing its worst consequence.
Asset Voting accomplishes the creation of an almost perfectly
proportional assembly, if the assembly is large enough. Asset Voting
is really a variation on DP, creating a set of proxies who have equal
voting power.

I don't know what legal system we will end up with. It is enough for
me that I can see how to create the structures that will allow us to
manage the system. They do not have to be part of the legal
structure, it is enough that the electorate be organized *outside*
the legal structure, voluntarily, by free choice, without coercion of
any kind, including the common coercion of "our way or the highway,"
that is, "agree with us or form your own damn organization," which is
so difficult that most people will give up. (This is a form of the
dictatorship of the majority, but it is not necessarily even the
majority, merely the first to open shop.) But FA/DP, theoretically,
should make it extremely easy to "form your own organization," while,
at the same time, creating the potential of a superstructure that
could negotiate broad consensus. And implement it.

BeyondPolitics.org, an FA/DP organization dedicated to the
development of FA/DP concepts and the facilitation of the use of
these concepts by all kinds of peer associations. Wiki at
http://beyondpolitics.org/wiki

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Simmons, Forest
2006-04-03 18:04:04 UTC
Permalink
Steve Eppley suggested allowing voters to choose from published orderings and then doing the tally by

"... a good voting method, such as Maximize Affirmed Majorities (MAM)."

Here's a suggestion for an easy-to-understand alternative to MAM that would be adequate in this context:

In the case that the most popular ordering is complete, start at the bottom of that ordering and use the "Winner Stays" rule. In other words, of the bottom two alternatives on the most popular list, the one that is ranked ahead of the other on more ballots than not is kept, and the other is eliminated. This elimination rule is repeatedly applied among the remaining alternatives until only one candidate (the method winner) remains.

If the most popular order is not complete, then refine it using the order that is second in popularity, then third in popularity, etc.

Note that Eppley's suggestion (in its simplest forms) requires only a standard plurality style ballot, and each voter marks only one alternative (a candidate's name or a code word for somebody else's published ordering).

This is exactly the kind of simplicity that we need to get a viable improvement over plurality for public elections.

Forest
Dave Ketchum
2006-04-04 00:16:25 UTC
Permalink
Post by Simmons, Forest
Steve Eppley suggested allowing voters to choose from published orderings and then doing the tally by
"... a good voting method, such as Maximize Affirmed Majorities (MAM)."
I am looking at this without looking at MAM.
Post by Simmons, Forest
In the case that the most popular ordering is complete, start at the bottom of that ordering and use the "Winner Stays" rule. In other words, of the bottom two alternatives on the most popular list, the one that is ranked ahead of the other on more ballots than not is kept, and the other is eliminated. This elimination rule is repeatedly applied among the remaining alternatives until only one candidate (the method winner) remains.
Looking much like Condorcet. From there we know that cycles can occur,
needing more thought here.
Post by Simmons, Forest
If the most popular order is not complete, then refine it using the order that is second in popularity, then third in popularity, etc.
Note that Eppley's suggestion (in its simplest forms) requires only a standard plurality style ballot, and each voter marks only one alternative (a candidate's name or a code word for somebody else's published ordering).
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be with half a
dozen candidates?
What would this quantity do to the voting machine?
How much might this confuse the voter looking for an acceptable list?
Post by Simmons, Forest
This is exactly the kind of simplicity that we need to get a viable improvement over plurality for public elections.
Sounds like as much trouble as Condorcet and in counting complexity,
though doable with present voting machines - provided they can tolerable
the number of choices.
Post by Simmons, Forest
Forest
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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-04 00:44:45 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
Looking much like Condorcet. From there we know that cycles can occur,
needing more thought here.
The proposal was one which uses any method allowing a ranked ballot.
The difference between it an standard plurality -- it uses the
standard plurality ballot -- is that instead of voting for a
candidate, strictly, one is voting for a list provided by a candidate.

While it is theoretically possible for that list to not be headed by
the candidate, we may presume that it is. I.e., we may presume that
any candidate will put his or her own name at the top of the list.

It is also possible to do this without using candidate-provided
lists, in which case it is essentially Asset Voting. But the idea
here is that candidates have provided a list, which is published, so
when voters vote for a candidate, they know where their vote goes if
that candidate is eliminated.

It seems to have been missed by Mr. Ketchum that the voting is for a
candidate, and that each candidate provides only one list, in advance
Post by Dave Ketchum
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be with half a
dozen candidates?
Half a dozen.
Post by Dave Ketchum
What would this quantity do to the voting machine?
How much might this confuse the voter looking for an acceptable list?
Not at all. I suppose I might, as a voter, be mildly interested in
what my favorite candidate would do with my vote, but, for me, the
issue is this: if I consider someone trustworthy enough to serve in
an office, why not consider them trustworthy to vote for someone who
is also relatively worthy of election.

This is an extremely simple ballot and process. The method by which
the lists are used would be any ranked ballot method, as if the
voters had marked the ballot with one of the provided lists. I
understand that in STV elections, parties often provide such lists
anyway, and very many voters, out of party loyalty, use them.

This method is quite clearly superior to standard plurality and, in
my view, to IRV. It allows experts to make ranking decisions, with
the public choosing their favorite *expert*. (Candidates frequently
know other candidates, far better than does the public.)
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Simmons, Forest
This is exactly the kind of simplicity that we need to get a
viable improvement over plurality for public elections.
I agree that it is totally simple. Any complexity would be the
complexity of the exact election method chosen. However, reporting
and counting the vote would be much simpler, because the vote can be
reported just the same as plurality. It is only in the analysis that
the difference comes. And anyone can do that calculation, using the
provided lists.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Sounds like as much trouble as Condorcet and in counting complexity,
though doable with present voting machines - provided they can tolerable
the number of choices.
Of course, the method was misunderstood. The number of choices is the
number of candidates, same as in plurality, and the counting
complexity is actually low, since precincts can simply report the
standard vote counts, they do not have to analyze. Analysis will be
no more complex than required by the ranked election method used, and
should be easier because of the limited number of ballot types involved.

This is a case where overvoting could create problems; however, there
might be a way to analyze overvotes that would work. But I won't get
into that here, I'm just noting that there is, with this proposal, on
the face, a reason to discard overvotes that is rational, unlike the
case with discarding them under standard plurality. Overvotes here,
unlike the case with standard plurality, would create counting
complexity even if a way is determined to use them. I'd agree with
keeping it simple.

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Paul Kislanko
2006-04-04 01:39:07 UTC
Permalink
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
It seems to have been missed by Mr. Ketchum that the voting is for a
candidate, and that each candidate provides only one list, in advance
Post by Dave Ketchum
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be
with half a
Post by Dave Ketchum
dozen candidates?
Half a dozen.
No no no no no no! In that case, it's just proxy.

The pre-published lists can be sponsored by candidates, or by
issues-oriented interest groups, or by an arbitrary voter.


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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-04 04:00:04 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
Looking much like Condorcet. From there we know that cycles can occur,
needing more thought here.
I see nothing prohibiting the following collection of lists:
A>B
B>C
C>A
These happen in Condorcet, and give us headaches as to procedure. I see
nothing here justifying claims as to simplicity in counting.
The proposal was one which uses any method allowing a ranked ballot. The
difference between it an standard plurality -- it uses the standard
plurality ballot -- is that instead of voting for a candidate, strictly,
one is voting for a list provided by a candidate.
While it is theoretically possible for that list to not be headed by the
candidate, we may presume that it is. I.e., we may presume that any
candidate will put his or her own name at the top of the list.
It is also possible to do this without using candidate-provided lists,
in which case it is essentially Asset Voting. But the idea here is that
candidates have provided a list, which is published, so when voters vote
for a candidate, they know where their vote goes if that candidate is
eliminated.
It seems to have been missed by Mr. Ketchum that the voting is for a
candidate, and that each candidate provides only one list, in advance of
There was NOTHING in the original post restricting a candidate to a single
list. A candidate can certainly know that backers disagree as to second
or lower choice.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be with half a
dozen candidates?
Half a dozen.
Post by Dave Ketchum
What would this quantity do to the voting machine?
How much might this confuse the voter looking for an acceptable list?
Not at all. I suppose I might, as a voter, be mildly interested in what
my favorite candidate would do with my vote, but, for me, the issue is
this: if I consider someone trustworthy enough to serve in an office,
why not consider them trustworthy to vote for someone who is also
relatively worthy of election.
At this point it matters VERY LITTLE as to what you or I might do. What
matters is what a collection of voters might desire - that could be useful.

Especially for minor candidates that expect to lose, their backers very
likely disagree as to second choices.
This is an extremely simple ballot and process. The method by which the
lists are used would be any ranked ballot method, as if the voters had
marked the ballot with one of the provided lists. I understand that in
STV elections, parties often provide such lists anyway, and very many
voters, out of party loyalty, use them.
This method is quite clearly superior to standard plurality and, in my
view, to IRV. It allows experts to make ranking decisions, with the
public choosing their favorite *expert*. (Candidates frequently know
other candidates, far better than does the public.)
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Simmons, Forest
This is exactly the kind of simplicity that we need to get a viable
improvement over plurality for public elections.
I agree that it is totally simple. Any complexity would be the
complexity of the exact election method chosen. However, reporting and
counting the vote would be much simpler, because the vote can be
reported just the same as plurality. It is only in the analysis that the
difference comes. And anyone can do that calculation, using the provided
lists.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Sounds like as much trouble as Condorcet and in counting complexity,
though doable with present voting machines - provided they can tolerable
the number of choices.
Of course, the method was misunderstood. The number of choices is the
number of candidates, same as in plurality, and the counting complexity
is actually low, since precincts can simply report the standard vote
counts, they do not have to analyze. Analysis will be no more complex
than required by the ranked election method used, and should be easier
because of the limited number of ballot types involved.
This is a case where overvoting could create problems; however, there
might be a way to analyze overvotes that would work. But I won't get
into that here, I'm just noting that there is, with this proposal, on
the face, a reason to discard overvotes that is rational, unlike the
case with discarding them under standard plurality. Overvotes here,
unlike the case with standard plurality, would create counting
complexity even if a way is determined to use them. I'd agree with
keeping it simple.
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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-04 20:26:17 UTC
Permalink
Post by Paul Kislanko
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
It seems to have been missed by Mr. Ketchum that the voting is for a
candidate, and that each candidate provides only one list, in advance
Post by Dave Ketchum
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be
with half a
Post by Dave Ketchum
dozen candidates?
Half a dozen.
No no no no no no! In that case, it's just proxy.
The pre-published lists can be sponsored by candidates, or by
issues-oriented interest groups, or by an arbitrary voter.
Whether or not this is a good idea, it is not what was proposed. This
Post by Paul Kislanko
1. Before election day, each candidate publishes a top-to-bottom
ordering of the candidates.
2. On election day, each voter votes by selecting a candidate.
(What could be simpler?)
3. To tally the election, each vote is treated as if it's the ordering
published by its selected candidate. These orderings are tallied by
a good voting method, such as Maximize Affirmed Majorities (MAM).
Mr. Simmons seems to have objected that there is nothing to support
claims of increased simplicity of counting. Counting this proposed
method (which is not a complete method, unspecified is the exact
analysis method used, but it is presumed that it is a ranked method,
it could be IRV, for example, or any Condorcet method) is simply a
matter of counting votes for candidates. That is all that precincts
need to report: the vote for candidates, as if it were a plurality election.

But then, in analysis, the original candidate votes are replaced by a
virtual set of identical ranked ballots, being the published ranking
of the candidate, multiplied by as many instances as each candidate
received votes.

As to this being proxy voting, if there were no published list, i.e.,
if the candidate preferences were changeable by the candidate after
the election, at the candidate's discretion -- a great idea in my
view -- it would indeed be a form of proxy voting; however, this was
not the proposal.

(If candidates can change their preferences, I'd go for Asset Voting,
which is much more flexible. Asset, in its Fractional Approval Asset
Voting incarnation, also uses a standard plurality ballot, but counts
the votes differently from standard Approval: overvotes are divided
among those receiving them. This would be offensive in standard
Approval Voting, but because no votes are wasted in Asset Voting --
absent candidate malfeasance -- it is not a problem there. Asset
Voting is a form of proxy voting, and may even be, effectively,
Delegable Proxy.))

The proposal would be extremely simple to implement. It costs almost
nothing, no complex ballots and no changes in election equipment or
counting procedures. The analysis could be done by anyone. By hand.

The analysis could be the best available Condorcet method, or it
could simply be IRV. I do think that non-Condorcet-compliant IRV
results would be less likely with this system, but that is not a
deeply considered judgement....

This Published Ordering procedure, combined with a good Condorcet
method of analysis, should stand with Approval Voting as one of the
cost-benefit leaders in the election reform world.

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Paul Kislanko
2006-04-04 00:53:12 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
Looking much like Condorcet. From there we know that cycles
can occur,
needing more thought here.
Only in the case of ties with respect to the pluralities that chose the
rankings involved. I think with more thoughht we'll find that the
tiebreaking method here corresponds to a cycle-breaking method in
Condorcet-based systems.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Simmons, Forest
If the most popular order is not complete, then refine it
using the order that is second in popularity, then third in
popularity, etc.
Post by Simmons, Forest
Note that Eppley's suggestion (in its simplest forms)
requires only a standard plurality style ballot, and each
voter marks only one alternative (a candidate's name or a
code word for somebody else's published ordering).
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be
with half a
dozen candidates?
What would this quantity do to the voting machine?
How much might this confuse the voter looking for an
acceptable list?
I think (as I've said before) it is helpful to keep the tallying mechanism
separate from the collecting mechanism. This is not terribly difficult to
implement on the collection side, given the pre-loaded published list and
the voter's opportunity to select one and modify it (in the ideal world that
modification would instantly become a part of the published list, but
finding out that many voters made the same modification to the same
published one is trivial on the back-end tallying side.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Sounds like as much trouble as Condorcet and in counting complexity,
though doable with present voting machines - provided they
can tolerable
the number of choices.
I have always thought of a ranked ballot method as being a "choose from
among these available orderings" sort of thing. Althoug the combinatorics
get out of hand very quickly if you assume each ordering is equally likely,
in practice there's a second-order divide on issues that keeps A>C>B from
even being considered by A&B partisans OR by C partisans so that permutation
never appears on either the pre-published lists or "write in" modified
lists.

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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-04 02:47:25 UTC
Permalink
Post by Paul Kislanko
Post by Dave Ketchum
Looking much like Condorcet. From there we know that cycles
can occur,
needing more thought here.
Only in the case of ties with respect to the pluralities that chose the
rankings involved. I think with more thoughht we'll find that the
tiebreaking method here corresponds to a cycle-breaking method in
Condorcet-based systems.
There was nothing of such in the post that started this. Again, think of:
A>B
B>C
C>A
In the Condorcet debate we see need to look at the counts FOR ALL THREE
cycle members (agreed IRV is less interested in finding the actual
preferred candidate).
Post by Paul Kislanko
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Simmons, Forest
If the most popular order is not complete, then refine it
using the order that is second in popularity, then third in
popularity, etc.
Post by Simmons, Forest
Note that Eppley's suggestion (in its simplest forms)
requires only a standard plurality style ballot, and each
voter marks only one alternative (a candidate's name or a
code word for somebody else's published ordering).
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be
with half a
dozen candidates?
What would this quantity do to the voting machine?
How much might this confuse the voter looking for an
acceptable list?
I think (as I've said before) it is helpful to keep the tallying mechanism
separate from the collecting mechanism. This is not terribly difficult to
implement on the collection side, given the pre-loaded published list and
the voter's opportunity to select one and modify it (in the ideal world that
modification would instantly become a part of the published list, but
finding out that many voters made the same modification to the same
published one is trivial on the back-end tallying side.
If the voter can modify the list we have left the world of the Plurality
ballot.
Post by Paul Kislanko
Post by Dave Ketchum
Sounds like as much trouble as Condorcet and in counting complexity,
though doable with present voting machines - provided they
can tolerable
the number of choices.
I have always thought of a ranked ballot method as being a "choose from
among these available orderings" sort of thing. Althoug the combinatorics
get out of hand very quickly if you assume each ordering is equally likely,
in practice there's a second-order divide on issues that keeps A>C>B from
even being considered by A&B partisans OR by C partisans so that permutation
never appears on either the pre-published lists or "write in" modified
lists.
The ranked ballot methods consistently allow voters to choose whatever
orders please each of them. They do not get out of hand PROVIDED the
implementors get told to, and do, provide for this.

True that some orderings will get chosen more often than others - but
matters little.
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If you want peace, work for justice.


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Anthony Duff
2006-04-04 02:51:34 UTC
Permalink
Post by Simmons, Forest
Note that Eppley's suggestion (in its simplest forms) requires only a standard
plurality style ballot, and each voter marks only one alternative (a candidate's
name or a code word for somebody else's published ordering).
This is exactly the kind of simplicity that we need to get a viable improvement
over plurality for public elections.
Forest
I agree. Some thoughts:

This ballot method would suit Australia very well, where, in my experience, nearly
every voter votes some candidates recommended preferences.

There will always by some few voters who would like, and insist, on voting their
own preferences. I would suggest dealing with them by giving them a diferent
ballot that allows tehm to fully vote their rankings. I would expect that the
number of voters wanting to do this would be so small that the manual entry of
their votes into the counting program would not to overly time consuming. I
suspect that far more people would want to have the option of being able to vote
their own personal rankings than would actually bother to do so.

I would expect many major candidates would set their published ordering as a
bullet vote for themself. They should be *allowed* to do this, shouldn't they?
But if many do, would you consider it a problem?

This balloting method could use the existing plurality ballot. That makes it
extremely easy on the unsuspecting voter who simply turns up at the next election.
However, doesn't it leave open the criticism that you are introducing ranked
voting "by stealth".

Anthony








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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-04 05:02:02 UTC
Permalink
Post by Anthony Duff
Post by Simmons, Forest
Note that Eppley's suggestion (in its simplest forms) requires only a standard
plurality style ballot, and each voter marks only one alternative (a candidate's
name or a code word for somebody else's published ordering).
This is exactly the kind of simplicity that we need to get a viable improvement
over plurality for public elections.
Forest
This ballot method would suit Australia very well, where, in my experience, nearly
every voter votes some candidates recommended preferences.
There will always by some few voters who would like, and insist, on voting their
own preferences. I would suggest dealing with them by giving them a diferent
ballot that allows tehm to fully vote their rankings. I would expect that the
number of voters wanting to do this would be so small that the manual entry of
their votes into the counting program would not to overly time consuming. I
suspect that far more people would want to have the option of being able to vote
their own personal rankings than would actually bother to do so.
I would expect many major candidates would set their published ordering as a
bullet vote for themself. They should be *allowed* to do this, shouldn't they?
But if many do, would you consider it a problem?
Providing for and using this bullet voting makes much sense, especially
when there are two major parties and everyone expects the winner to be one
of them.

While there are many exceptions, the simplest is three candidates with
equal power, pulling in three directions. Not going to happen too often,
but when it does, useful to be ready. Useful here to have 6 published lists:
A>B A>C B>A B>C C>A C>B
Thus there is a votable list for each voter to vote their choice as to
best and worst candidate.
Post by Anthony Duff
This balloting method could use the existing plurality ballot. That makes it
extremely easy on the unsuspecting voter who simply turns up at the next election.
However, doesn't it leave open the criticism that you are introducing ranked
voting "by stealth".
It is introducing much of the power of ranked choice at very little cost,
since they can still vote Plurality. Sell the BENEFIT.

But, by not disturbing the voting machines, you avoid the major expense.
Post by Anthony Duff
Anthony
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Dan Bishop
2006-04-05 19:30:13 UTC
Permalink
Post by Anthony Duff
Post by Simmons, Forest
Note that Eppley's suggestion (in its simplest forms) requires only a standard
plurality style ballot, and each voter marks only one alternative (a candidate's
name or a code word for somebody else's published ordering).
This is exactly the kind of simplicity that we need to get a viable improvement
over plurality for public elections.
...
Post by Anthony Duff
This balloting method could use the existing plurality ballot. That makes it
extremely easy on the unsuspecting voter who simply turns up at the next election.
However, doesn't it leave open the criticism that you are introducing ranked
voting "by stealth".
How about making it less stealthy by including the candidates'
orderings? A row of the ballot would look something like this:

[ ] HOWARD DEAN (Democratic Party)
Bob Graham, John Kerry, John Edwards, Wesley Clark
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Simmons, Forest
2006-04-07 19:04:09 UTC
Permalink
Dan Bishop wrote ...

"How about making it less stealthy by including the candidates'
orderings? A row of the ballot would look something like this:

[ ] HOWARD DEAN (Democratic Party)
Bob Graham, John Kerry, John Edwards, Wesley Clark"

I ask,

what if each candidate could sponsor up to three orders?

[ ] Joe (only)
[ ] Joe, Jane, Jill, Jack, Jim
[ ] Joe, Jill, Jane, Jim, Jack

Forest
Dan Bishop
2006-04-09 09:39:19 UTC
Permalink
Post by Simmons, Forest
Dan Bishop wrote ...
"How about making it less stealthy by including the candidates'
[ ] HOWARD DEAN (Democratic Party)
Bob Graham, John Kerry, John Edwards, Wesley Clark"
I ask,
what if each candidate could sponsor up to three orders?
[ ] Joe (only)
[ ] Joe, Jane, Jill, Jack, Jim
[ ] Joe, Jill, Jane, Jim, Jack
For that matter, why limit list sponsorship to candidates? The ballot
could look something like this:


************ STATE OF TEXAS ************
************ OFFICIAL BALLOT ************

U.S. House of Representatives

-----------------------------------------

Either choose an ordering of candidates from the LISTS section
OR rank the candidates in the CANDIDATES section.

-------------- LISTS --------------

To choose a list, mark the box next to it. You may vote for
only ONE list.

[ ] REPUBLICAN PARTY
John Carter, Randy Neugebauer, Tom Delay, Joe Barton
[ ] DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Sheila Jackson Lee, Al Green, Charlie Gonzales,
Eddie Johnson, ...
[ ] AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
Sheila Jackson Lee, Eddie Johnson, Charlie Gonzales,
Rubén Hinojosa, ...
[ ] FAMILY RESEARCH COUNCIL
Tom Delay, John Culberson, Sam Johnson, Louie Gohmert, ...
[ ] LEAGUE OF CONSERVATION VOTERS
Lloyd Doggett, Eddie Johnson, Sheila Jackson Lee, ...
Charlie Gonzales
[ ] NATIONAL RIFLE ASSOCIATION
Tom Delay, Henry Bonilla, Pete Sessions, Kay Granger
...

-------------- CANDIDATES --------------

Write an "A" in the box next to your favorite candidate, a
"B" next to your second-favorite candidate, a "C" next to
your third-favorite candidate, etc. You may rank as many
candidates as you wish.

[ ] Louie Gohmert
[ ] Ted Poe
[ ] Sam Johnson
[ ] Ralph Hall
...
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Jobst Heitzig
2006-04-08 17:20:15 UTC
Permalink
Dear Dave!
Post by Dave Ketchum
My second, and last, phase would be Ranked Choice, with Condorcet counting
- really no more difficult to get the capability and define it for voters.
Also approved is a complication I would drop - I see little demand, while
anyone whose brain works this way can rank multiple candidates equally.
Don't you agree that counting ranked ballots is considerably more difficult than counting "also approved" ballots?

Yours, Jobst
_______________________________________________________________
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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-09 01:44:06 UTC
Permalink
Post by Jobst Heitzig
Dear Dave!
Post by Dave Ketchum
My second, and last, phase would be Ranked Choice, with Condorcet counting
- really no more difficult to get the capability and define it for voters.
Also approved is a complication I would drop - I see little demand, while
anyone whose brain works this way can rank multiple candidates equally.
Don't you agree that counting ranked ballots is considerably more difficult than counting "also approved" ballots?
First, there are many possibilities that are improvements over Plurality -
and thus worth some extra effort.

Computers have become affordable enough to often make the extra effort
trivial.
BTW - the current horror stories about misuse of computers can even
occur with Plurality - they need more attention to demanding quality work
- just as I assume the banks see to with ATMs. Proper design takes a bit
of extra effort but building and programming a zillion good computers
costs little more than a zillion copies sf junk.

Assuming "also approved" is synonymous with "approved", the counting is
simple but, as soon as my vote can affect the result and I WANT to say:
FOR A
AGAINST B
Vote against C interfering with A, BUT for C being preferred over B

I cannot say this with approval.

If "also approved" is different from "approved", the counting becomes more
complex and I argue for going to Condorcet with an easy task to define the
more capable ballot to voters.

Recording ballots in a Condorcet array is trivial as to complexity, but
monotonous enough that it should be left to computers.

Interpreting Condorcet arrays is usually simple enough to do without a
computer, but best left to a computer with the rules programmed in for
cycles, which can happen.
Post by Jobst Heitzig
Yours, Jobst
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Paul Kislanko
2006-04-09 02:16:58 UTC
Permalink
Dave Ketchum wrote:
Interpreting Condorcet arrays is usually simple enough to do without a
computer, but best left to a computer with the rules programmed in for
cycles, which can happen.

OK, I have a system with 293 alternatives and a few thousand voters. If you
think it is simple to cont the 42,778 pairwise comparisons without a
computer send me your snail-mail address and I'll kill a tree to print out
all the ballots and send 'em to you.


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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-09 03:30:38 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
Interpreting Condorcet arrays is usually simple enough to do without a
computer, but best left to a computer with the rules programmed in for
cycles, which can happen.
OK, I have a system with 293 alternatives and a few thousand voters. If you
think it is simple to cont the 42,778 pairwise comparisons without a
computer send me your snail-mail address and I'll kill a tree to print out
all the ballots and send 'em to you.
I stay with the "usually" that I wrote. Easy to exclude this monster as an

exception but, if this was a true election rather than a fabrication, it

likely would be doable by hand (find a popular candidate, exclude all that

that candidate completely beats, and you are soon down to a manageable array).


I ALSO said that recording the votes in the array was a computer task, so
you should be offering the 293x293 array - almost 90,000 16-bit entries.
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Simmons, Forest
2006-04-10 18:54:49 UTC
Permalink
Dave (in response to Jobst) wrote ...

Assuming "also approved" is synonymous with "approved", the counting is
simple but, as soon as my vote can affect the result and I WANT to say:
FOR A
AGAINST B
Vote against C interfering with A, BUT for C being preferred over B

I cannot say this with approval.

I reply:

Actually, "also approved" is not synonymous with "approval." Rather, it means "approved in addition to the candidate marked favorite," as will be clear from the examples below.

I think that your main point is that you want to rank A>B>C, but you don't think Jobst's suggestion allows for this.

Actually it does:

If A's published order is A>B>C, then you can just mark A as favorite, and forget about the "also approved" part.

If A's published order is A>C>B, then you can mark A as favorite, and then mark B as also approved. This will result in the ballot being interpreted as A>B>C , with an approval cutoff between B and C available for use if desired.

The approval cutoff would be used in DMC, for example, but not in MAM.

In other words, if you don't like methods that use approval cutoffs, just think of the "also approved" option as a tool for correcting the most egregious mistake in the order of the best available list choice.

Suppose, for example, that your preference order is

A>B>C>D>E>F>G, and that candidate A's published order is
A>B>D>C>F>G>E, and that you consider the CD to DC switch a relatively minor nuissance, but you feel very strongly that E should be ranked ahead of F and G. Then by marking candidate A as your first choice, and marking B, C, D, and E as "also approved" you can move E back into its rightful position, and your final order will be interpreted as

A>B>D>C>E>F>G, with only the minor C/D switch between this and your dream ballot.

Now, a comment on Dan Bishop's message: it is an excellent illustration of one variation that Eppley suggested near the end of his original post on this topic.

Dan wrote ...

For that matter, why limit list sponsorship to candidates? The ballot
could look something like this:


************ STATE OF TEXAS ************
************ OFFICIAL BALLOT ************

U.S. House of Representatives

-----------------------------------------

Either choose an ordering of candidates from the LISTS section
OR rank the candidates in the CANDIDATES section.

-------------- LISTS --------------

To choose a list, mark the box next to it. You may vote for
only ONE list.

[ ] REPUBLICAN PARTY
John Carter, Randy Neugebauer, Tom Delay, Joe Barton
[ ] DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Sheila Jackson Lee, Al Green, Charlie Gonzales,
Eddie Johnson, ...
[ ] AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
Sheila Jackson Lee, Eddie Johnson, Charlie Gonzales,
Rub?n Hinojosa, ...
[ ] FAMILY RESEARCH COUNCIL
Tom Delay, John Culberson, Sam Johnson, Louie Gohmert, ...
[ ] LEAGUE OF CONSERVATION VOTERS
Lloyd Doggett, Eddie Johnson, Sheila Jackson Lee, ...
Charlie Gonzales
[ ] NATIONAL RIFLE ASSOCIATION
Tom Delay, Henry Bonilla, Pete Sessions, Kay Granger
...

-------------- CANDIDATES --------------

Write an "A" in the box next to your favorite candidate, a
"B" next to your second-favorite candidate, a "C" next to
your third-favorite candidate, etc. You may rank as many
candidates as you wish.

[ ] Louie Gohmert
[ ] Ted Poe
[ ] Sam Johnson
[ ] Ralph Hall
...
Don St. Jean
2006-04-10 19:31:17 UTC
Permalink
Does anyone know a good site describing the nomination
process for the Oscars? The ones I've found by
googling tend to be superficial or simply wrong.

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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-14 08:08:51 UTC
Permalink
Actually, this debate is becoming complex beyond any hope of value.

The lists had value in approaching the capability of ranked choice on
voting machines that can handle ONLY simple preference voting.

They had problems in that there would need to be many lists - often
several for each candidate - those ready to give A first preference may
want B or C or D or E for second preference.

BUT - as soon as you want complications such as described below:
You need a more capable machine.
Which could have ranked choice built in.
And has little need for anything more, for ranked choice can do any
vote the lists dream of - with actually simpler rules for voters and
machine builders.

DWK
Post by Simmons, Forest
Dave (in response to Jobst) wrote ...
Assuming "also approved" is synonymous with "approved", the counting is
FOR A
AGAINST B
Vote against C interfering with A, BUT for C being preferred over B
I cannot say this with approval.
Actually, "also approved" is not synonymous with "approval." Rather, it means "approved in addition to the candidate marked favorite," as will be clear from the examples below.
I think that your main point is that you want to rank A>B>C, but you don't think Jobst's suggestion allows for this.
If A's published order is A>B>C, then you can just mark A as favorite, and forget about the "also approved" part.
If A's published order is A>C>B, then you can mark A as favorite, and then mark B as also approved. This will result in the ballot being interpreted as A>B>C , with an approval cutoff between B and C available for use if desired.
The approval cutoff would be used in DMC, for example, but not in MAM.
In other words, if you don't like methods that use approval cutoffs, just think of the "also approved" option as a tool for correcting the most egregious mistake in the order of the best available list choice.
Suppose, for example, that your preference order is
A>B>C>D>E>F>G, and that candidate A's published order is
A>B>D>C>F>G>E, and that you consider the CD to DC switch a relatively minor nuissance, but you feel very strongly that E should be ranked ahead of F and G. Then by marking candidate A as your first choice, and marking B, C, D, and E as "also approved" you can move E back into its rightful position, and your final order will be interpreted as
A>B>D>C>E>F>G, with only the minor C/D switch between this and your dream ballot.
Now, a comment on Dan Bishop's message: it is an excellent illustration of one variation that Eppley suggested near the end of his original post on this topic.
Dan wrote ...
For that matter, why limit list sponsorship to candidates? The ballot
************ STATE OF TEXAS ************
************ OFFICIAL BALLOT ************
U.S. House of Representatives
-----------------------------------------
Either choose an ordering of candidates from the LISTS section
OR rank the candidates in the CANDIDATES section.
-------------- LISTS --------------
To choose a list, mark the box next to it. You may vote for
only ONE list.
[ ] REPUBLICAN PARTY
John Carter, Randy Neugebauer, Tom Delay, Joe Barton
[ ] DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Sheila Jackson Lee, Al Green, Charlie Gonzales,
Eddie Johnson, ...
[ ] AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
Sheila Jackson Lee, Eddie Johnson, Charlie Gonzales,
Rub?n Hinojosa, ...
[ ] FAMILY RESEARCH COUNCIL
Tom Delay, John Culberson, Sam Johnson, Louie Gohmert, ...
[ ] LEAGUE OF CONSERVATION VOTERS
Lloyd Doggett, Eddie Johnson, Sheila Jackson Lee, ...
Charlie Gonzales
[ ] NATIONAL RIFLE ASSOCIATION
Tom Delay, Henry Bonilla, Pete Sessions, Kay Granger
...
-------------- CANDIDATES --------------
Write an "A" in the box next to your favorite candidate, a
"B" next to your second-favorite candidate, a "C" next to
your third-favorite candidate, etc. You may rank as many
candidates as you wish.
[ ] Louie Gohmert
[ ] Ted Poe
[ ] Sam Johnson
[ ] Ralph Hall
...
------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-14 14:10:24 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
Actually, this debate is becoming complex beyond any hope of value.
What is happening is that some are taking a very simple and clean
idea and trying to tweak it to add this or that supposed benefit.
Post by Dave Ketchum
The lists had value in approaching the capability of ranked choice on
voting machines that can handle ONLY simple preference voting.
That is one benefit. It is not the only reason to consider the idea.
Readers might notice that ranked list voting is a variation on
Delegable Proxy, somewhat similar to Asset Voting, though less flexible.

(If the candidates can provide the lists after the election, or if
such lists are used only in a first round, with failure to win a
majority approval -- approval cutoff could be included in the
candidate-provided lists -- then it really is Asset Voting of a kind.)

And this leads me to suggest a solution to the overvoting problem in
candidate-list. Simple, really. Divide the votes. If you vot for two,
each candidate gets a half-vote. In standard elections, this would
effectively halve the voting power of the voter, but in this case,
because votes are not so easily wasted, it would not. (Same is true
in Asset Voting; the original proposal allowed fractional assignments
to as many candidates as the voter chose to approve; FAAV allows
votes of the form 1/N by voting for N candidates.)
Post by Dave Ketchum
They had problems in that there would need to be many lists - often
several for each candidate - those ready to give A first preference may
want B or C or D or E for second preference.
I think this an entirely unwarranted complication, and far from a necessity.
Post by Dave Ketchum
You need a more capable machine.
Which could have ranked choice built in.
And has little need for anything more, for ranked choice can do any
vote the lists dream of - with actually simpler rules for voters and
machine builders.
Limited ranked choice is quite simple with standard equipment, it
simply multiplies the number of positions by the number of allowed
ranks. It is complex ranking which has the potential for overwhelming
voting machine capacity.

None of this is really a problem with paper ballots, which points to
the mass foolishness of moving to automated equipment. Supposedly it
saved money, but the amount of money involved in counting ballots is
trivial compared to the importance.

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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-14 18:07:38 UTC
Permalink
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
(If the candidates can provide the lists after the election, or if
such lists are used only in a first round, with failure to win a
majority approval -- approval cutoff could be included in the
candidate-provided lists -- then it really is Asset Voting of a kind.)
This should have read "used only in a first round, in the absence of
a failure to win majority approval, in which case candidates could
then change their votes in an additional round or rounds."

This, by the way, points up a basic issue regarding ranked election
methods. They can quite easily result in the election of a candidate
who would not win a referendum on his election. This is what happens
when elections are removed from deliberative process; this would not
happen (or would not be sustained) under standard parliamentary procedure.

Single-winner elections for representatives inherently remove the
supporters of losing candidates from being represented by someone
freely chosen. This is true even if election requires a majority
vote. The situation can get much worse if plurality determines the winner.

Ranked methods may appear to solve this problem, but only by deriving
"support" from what can really be a declaration that "I prefer
Ghenghis Khan to Adolf Hitler." It is my view that no crucial
position in an organization should be filled without *at least* the
consent of a majority of members, and it is far better for
organizational unity if supermajority approval can be obtained.

(If a majority of members specifically approve that the winner should
be the plurality winner, that is tantamount to approving the
plurality winner. But I don't recall *ever* being asked that
question.... plurality was built into the system without any clear
sign that the implications were known and considered. I think that
the founders assumed a level of collegiality that has been
disappearing. Of course, we also had the Civil War.)


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Anthony Duff
2006-04-18 00:28:07 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
Actually, this debate is becoming complex beyond any hope of value.
I agree.

The suggestion was that voting could be modified from plurality by converting a
mark for a single candidate to a rank order as pre-defined by the candidate. I
noted that this might be criticised as introducing rank balloting be stealth.

This criticism is not one to be afraid of. I think the original suggestion is a
very good idea, and it is a move that advocates for voting change should make. I
predict that someone will make the criticism. This, in itself, would be a good
thing in bringing voting reform into open debate.

When someone says you are attempting reform by stealth, I suggest that you counter
by explaining the fundmental flaws of pluralilty. You are trying to fix a voting
system that has never worked well for anything bigger than a two-candidate
election, and you are trying to minimise practical difficulties, such as pain to
the voters, and avoiding having to replace voting equipment.

Alternatively, it is posiible that no one will make the criticism. It might
simply be universally seen as a very good idea. It need not mean anything to the
major parties who don't want to distribute preferences. It may be seen as only a
minor thing relevant to minor candidates, "so that their supporters' votes aren't
wasted", one might say. At this level of argument, you'll even be able to be in
comlete agreement with IRV advocats.
If the expected voting pattern is going to be:
45 A
45 B
10 CAB
Then it doesn't matter whether the count method is IRV or condorcet.

Anthony
Post by Dave Ketchum
The lists had value in approaching the capability of ranked choice on
voting machines that can handle ONLY simple preference voting.
They had problems in that there would need to be many lists - often
several for each candidate - those ready to give A first preference may
want B or C or D or E for second preference.
You need a more capable machine.
Which could have ranked choice built in.
And has little need for anything more, for ranked choice can do any
vote the lists dream of - with actually simpler rules for voters and
machine builders.
DWK
Send instant messages to your online friends http://au.messenger.yahoo.com
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Paul Kislanko
2006-04-18 00:44:47 UTC
Permalink
No, that is another mischaracterization of the original suggestion.

The whole EM list idea is now not worth my trouble, since everybody seems to
misinterpret everything anybody says and nobody wants to have a common
lexicon.

Shheeesh.
-----Original Message-----
Anthony Duff
Sent: Monday, April 17, 2006 7:28 PM
Subject: Re: [EM] Voting by selecting a published ordering
Post by Dave Ketchum
Actually, this debate is becoming complex beyond any hope of value.
I agree.
The suggestion was that voting could be modified from
plurality by converting a
mark for a single candidate to a rank order as pre-defined by
the candidate. I
noted that this might be criticised as introducing rank
balloting be stealth.
This criticism is not one to be afraid of. I think the
original suggestion is a
very good idea, and it is a move that advocates for voting
change should make. I
predict that someone will make the criticism. This, in
itself, would be a good
thing in bringing voting reform into open debate.
When someone says you are attempting reform by stealth, I
suggest that you counter
by explaining the fundmental flaws of pluralilty. You are
trying to fix a voting
system that has never worked well for anything bigger than a
two-candidate
election, and you are trying to minimise practical
difficulties, such as pain to
the voters, and avoiding having to replace voting equipment.
Alternatively, it is posiible that no one will make the
criticism. It might
simply be universally seen as a very good idea. It need not
mean anything to the
major parties who don't want to distribute preferences. It
may be seen as only a
minor thing relevant to minor candidates, "so that their
supporters' votes aren't
wasted", one might say. At this level of argument, you'll
even be able to be in
comlete agreement with IRV advocats.
45 A
45 B
10 CAB
Then it doesn't matter whether the count method is IRV or condorcet.
Anthony
Post by Dave Ketchum
The lists had value in approaching the capability of ranked
choice on
Post by Dave Ketchum
voting machines that can handle ONLY simple preference voting.
They had problems in that there would need to be many lists - often
several for each candidate - those ready to give A first
preference may
Post by Dave Ketchum
want B or C or D or E for second preference.
You need a more capable machine.
Which could have ranked choice built in.
And has little need for anything more, for ranked
choice can do any
Post by Dave Ketchum
vote the lists dream of - with actually simpler rules for
voters and
Post by Dave Ketchum
machine builders.
DWK
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http://au.messenger.yahoo.com
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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-18 02:42:04 UTC
Permalink
Post by Paul Kislanko
No, that is another mischaracterization of the original suggestion.
Mr. Kislanko: your message is easily misunderstood, if by "original
suggestion" you are not referring to what began this thread. It is
easy for us to make that assumption. However, on reviewing the
history, it seems that you are referring to *your* original
suggestion, which is a voting method, i.e., a method of counting
ranked ballots, which was, of course, a total change of subject. The
true "original suggestion was very simple, I'll quote Mr. Eppley from
Post by Paul Kislanko
1. Before election day, each candidate publishes a top-to-bottom
ordering of the candidates.
2. On election day, each voter votes by selecting a candidate.
(What could be simpler?)
3. To tally the election, each vote is treated as if it's the ordering
published by its selected candidate. These orderings are tallied by
a good voting method, such as Maximize Affirmed Majorities (MAM).
Note that the mention of a voting method, and other ideas added by
Mr. Eppley, were dicta, not really about this proposal, which is
quite generic, it would work with any ranked method.

Some suggested allowing voters to override the published rankings,
make exceptions, or having *many* lists, published by various
organizations. Your own first post in this thread was a bit
mysterious to me, and I certainly did misread it, due to a certain
typographical error in it.
Post by Paul Kislanko
Post by Simmons, Forest
Here's a suggestion for an easy-to-understand alternative to MAM
I am looking at this without looking at MAM.
Now, I'll confess that I did not understand your proposal on first
reading, and, I still don't understand it on rereading. I could
probably parse it, but with a headache.... Let's just say that it
appeared from your post that you were thinking out loud, rather than
making a completely considered proposal.

However, you then made what appeared to be a criticism of the
original proposal, which we can call Candidate-List, and in your
criticism you seemed to assume something much more complex than
Candidate-List, for you asked
Post by Paul Kislanko
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be with half a
dozen candidates?
Now, since you are claiming that you were misunderstood, I'm looking
much more carefully at this. "Starts out looking good" could be a
criticism, not of the original proposal, but of your own proposed
counting method.

Be aware that it is terribly easy to misunderstand written
communications, as they are devoid of many of the cues that enable us
to understand speakers.

I answered your question with reference to Candidate-List, not with
Post by Paul Kislanko
Post by Simmons, Forest
Post by Dave Ketchum
Starts out looking good but, how many lists might there be
with half a
Post by Dave Ketchum
dozen candidates?
Half a dozen.
No no no no no no! In that case, it's just proxy.
The pre-published lists can be sponsored by candidates, or by
issues-oriented interest groups, or by an arbitrary voter.
This is, of course, your proposal, not the proposal that began the thread.

Given that Candidate-List is perhaps one of the best suggestions to
appear on the EM list since I began reading it, I did not want it to
be misunderstood, and, especially, I did not want the discussion to
be confused by proposing, at least at first, what could be severe
complications of it. A multiplicity of lists is, quite simply, a bad
idea politically and practically, even though in some utopian
environment it might be possible.

But Candidate-List is not "just proxy." It isn't proxy voting at all,
actually, though it does resemble it in a way. In proxy voting, the
original voter, assigning a proxy, has no legal control over the
subsequent actions of the proxy, unless there is some binding
agreement. In my subsequent response, I noted that in Asset Voting,
vote reassignments by candidates were effectively proxy votes. But in
this case, voters are voting, not for a proxy, but for a list that
happens to have a candidate name attached to it. The candidate can't
change that list -- unless we complicate the system by allowing
candidates to renegotiate their votes. If they could do the latter,
it would be proxy voting.
Post by Paul Kislanko
The whole EM list idea is now not worth my trouble, since everybody seems to
misinterpret everything anybody says and nobody wants to have a common
lexicon.
Now, the post to which you so replied was from Mr. Duff, and it was
in response to a post from Mr. Ketchum. Neither of these posts quoted
you, as far as I could see. Mr. Ketchum had commented that "Actually,
this debate is becoming complex beyond any hope of value," and Mr.
Duff agreed, and then proceeded to discuss Candidate-List, not the
complications.

I've looked back over your posts in this thread, and you have only
made and commented on a suggestion that was actually a change of
subject. Don't be surprised if ambiguous comments you make are
interpreted as having to do with the subject of the thread!

Yes, the thread header reads "Voting by selecting a published
ordering," and you talked about hundreds of orderings. But the
original *post* with that subject made it clear that the published
orderings were provided by candidates, one per candidate. This is the
simple proposal that we were defending, so to speak, and that you
Post by Paul Kislanko
OK, I have a system with 293 alternatives and a few thousand voters. If you
think it is simple to cont the 42,778 pairwise comparisons without a
computer send me your snail-mail address and I'll kill a tree to print out
all the ballots and send 'em to you.
Now, where I come from, we have a common lexicon, in which
"everybody," "anybody," and "nobody" have clear meanings. Yes, there
is another context, an informal one, the context of emotion, where we
use these words when they don't actually refer to everybody, anybody,
or nobody.

However, it was not true that nobody understood you. Rather, it seems
to me, I understood what you were saying as true, but beside the
point, not relevant to the *original* proposal, and I still think
that I was correct about that. And this list has many readers who do
not write. Can you be really sure that none of them understood you?
As to common lexicon, I have not noticed that you proposed
terminology or definitions. If you want terms to be clearly defined,
you might have to define them! "Published ordering," you seem to have
*assumed* to mean "any published ordering from any source." This is
not what was proposed. Candidate-List is what I'm tentatively
proposing for the method, in the absence of better.

As to whether or not this list is worth the trouble, I suppose that
depends. It has accomplished a great deal for me; I have learned a
great deal about election methods from reading what is written here,
and I have seen some of my own ideas accepted and am now even seeing
them extended. I have become known in the EM community, for better or
for worse.

What I write about, from my point of view, is only rarely completely
understood. People get this or that, but I can tell from responses
that part is missing. Is this my fault or theirs? My training is that
it is best to treat it as my fault. Sure, some of the
misunderstanding comes from habits and preconceptions that people
have, but this is how people are; if I want to communicate with them,
I'd better speak to them as they are, rather than as I might wish
them to be. In fact, if I want to wish, I'll wish that they already
understand all this, and, like Nasruddin, I can go home.

I'll paraphrase a response I often saw in self-help groups when
someone complained about a meeting that there was "no recovery
there." An old-timer was sure to say, "Why don't you bring some?"

If there is no clarity here, why not bring some?

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Simmons, Forest
2006-04-12 17:52:18 UTC
Permalink
How can we best insert the "selection of a published ordering" option into the following section of recently proposed statutory language that Rep. Toby Nixon is spearheading in Washington State?

<BALLOT>
Rank-balloting definitions:

To rank a candidate means to assign to that candidate a postive integer that
will be referred to as a rank number.

To rank X over Y means to assign to X a rank number that is lower than the
rank number that one assigns to Y, or else to assign a rank number to X, but
not to Y.

Balloting:

The ballot shall provide a way for voters to rank any or all of the
candidates listed on the ballot--as many or as few candidates as they wish
to rank.
</BALLOT>

<VOTING>
A voter may assign the same rank number to more than one candidate if s/he
wants to--as many as s/he wishes to.

A ballot is spoiled and not counted if it assigns more than one rank number
to any one candidate.
</VOTING>
Steve Eppley
2006-04-22 18:00:47 UTC
Permalink
Hi,

A few weeks ago I posted a message about this simple voting method:

Before election day, each candidate publishes an ordering
of all the candidates.

On election day, each voter selects one candidate.

Treat each vote as if the voter had expressed the ordering
published by the candidate she selected.

My thanks to all who took time to consider it and/or discuss it. (I found time to read all
the responses for only about a week, unfortunately.)

I'd like to add two more comments to the discussion:

1. Several people commented that candidates would tend to rank most others at the bottom
(or, equivalently, would omit most candidates from their orderings). Someone wrote that
candidates would rank only themselves. Someone else wrote that they'd rank only members
of their own party. I believe this issue is very important; the value of the method
depends on candidates being willing, typically, to rank compromise candidates over those
they (and their supporters) sincerely believe are worse. So, can we more explicitly
discuss the incentives to rank more and the incentives to rank few?

I think the incentives on the candidates will depend on how the votes are tallied. In my
message a few weeks ago, I didn't specify the procedure with which to tally the voters'
orderings, other than to point out that my favorite algorithm, MAM, could be used. One
nice property of MAM is that it satisfies the Truncation Resistance criterion, which is
relevant to this discussion.

I believe the following tallying procedure is the simplest one that is worthwhile:

After election day (but before the winner is calculated)
publish the vote totals.

Then allow each candidate some time (a few days?) to choose
whether to withdraw from contention.

Then count each vote for the non-withdrawn candidate
who is highest in the ordering published by the
candidate selected by the voter.

In other words, Plurality Rule with a withdrawal option. (Note that the withdrawal option
mitigates a problem caused by the Electoral College in U.S. presidential elections, making
it reasonable for multiple candidates to run for president without fear of being spoilers.)

Given this procedure, would candidates have sufficiently strong incentives to rank
compromise candidates over worse candidates?

Here's an example to consider. Suppose the candidates for some office are Gore, Bush, and
McCain. Let's take it for granted that each candidate will rank himself topmost. Assume
that before election day Bush publishes the ordering "Bush over McCain over Gore." Assume
that the day after the election these vote totals are published:

Bush selected by 35,000,000 voters
McCain selected by 20,000,000 voters
Gore selected by 45,000,000 voters

Bush sees that if no candidate withdraws, Gore will be elected. Bush also sees that if he
withdraws and McCain does not, the 35M who voted for him would have their votes count for
McCain, which would give McCain a total of 55M votes, electing McCain. Would Bush
withdraw? Clearly there's an incentive for him to do so; after all, his ordering ranked
McCain over Gore and it would look quite peculiar to observers if he allowed Gore to be
elected.

But let's add another detail to the example: Assume McCain had published the ordering
"McCain over Bush over Gore." If Bush could persuade McCain to withdraw, Bush would be
elected. Both Bush and McCain have an incentive to see Gore defeated, having both ranked
Gore at the bottom, and presumably they will strike a deal that elects one of them and
defeats Gore.

Let's add another detail: Assume Gore had published the ordering "Gore over McCain over
Bush." Gore knows Bush and McCain can strike a deal that would elect one of them and have
an incentive to do so. Assuming Gore's ordering was sincere, the best he can hope for is
for McCain to be elected. Gore can accomplish this by withdrawing. McCain finds himself
in the driver's seat: Bush prefers McCain over Gore, and Gore prefers McCain over Bush. I
would expect McCain to be elected.

How would Gore be better off if he had ranked only himself? That would strip him of his
power to affect the outcome by withdrawing. It might cost him some votes, too, from
voters who prefer Gore over McCain over Bush and want to do what they can to defeat Bush.
The same incentive for Gore to rank "Gore over McCain over Bush" appears to also hold in
the case where Bush ranks only himself and McCain ranks Bush over Gore. In the case where
McCain ranks only himself and Bush ranks McCain over Gore, it appears not to matter what
Gore does, since Bush would withdraw and McCain would win.

Regards,
Steve
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Steve Eppley
2006-04-22 18:31:54 UTC
Permalink
Hi again,

I should add one small point to the message I posted a few minutes ago.

Assuming the orderings do not need to be strict orderings, and assuming
(Withdrawal)PluralityRule is the method used to tally, there is a question about how to
count an ordering that ranks two or more non-withdrawn candidates at its top. Its weight
could either be split or counted fully for each of those candidates. I favor the latter,
but I think it would tend to work well either way.

--Steve
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Antonio Oneala
2006-04-22 22:24:24 UTC
Permalink
Steve Eppley <***@alumni.caltech.edu> wrote: Hi again,

I should add one small point to the message I posted a few minutes ago.

Assuming the orderings do not need to be strict orderings, and assuming
(Withdrawal)PluralityRule is the method used to tally, there is a question about how to
count an ordering that ranks two or more non-withdrawn candidates at its top. Its weight
could either be split or counted fully for each of those candidates. I favor the latter,
but I think it would tend to work well either way.

--Steve
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The electoral college already allows candidates to withdraw their support and give it to other candidates. Actually, this is probably one of the main reasons the founders wanted an electoral college. The main think that messed up here was the at-large allocation of votes that most states chose - therefore, a person with a plurality usually gets a landslide in the college, and no redistribution is necessary.

In fact, in only one election have candidates even considered switching around their votes - in 1822 (I think). This election eventually went to the house of representatives, but logically one of the candidates could have dropped out and told his electors to vote for one of the other candidates, thus ensuring a majority. This would probably require comprimses, and it would reduce partisanship, which is why the founder's wanted it. It's more simialar to the parliamentary system used in Europe, providing for a balanced executive, except with a seperation of powers. We could still go back to this, though, if we merely allocated the states electoral votes proportionally.


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Steve Eppley
2006-04-23 23:18:06 UTC
Permalink
Post by Antonio Oneala
The electoral college already allows candidates to withdraw their support and give it
to other candidates.
That "support" would be non-binding on the Electors.

Also, some states have passed a law requiring their Electors to vote for the state's
winner. I don't believe its constitutionality has been tested in court, but until it's
found unconstitutional or repealed it will act as a deterrent against Electors voting for
the "right" candidate. Uncertainty about this could deter potential candidates from
running, too.
Post by Antonio Oneala
Actually, this is probably one of the main reasons the founders
wanted an electoral college. The main thing that messed up here was the at-large
allocation of votes that most states chose - therefore, a person with a plurality
usually gets a landslide in the college, and no redistribution is necessary.
-snip-

Some people don't consider the Electoral College winner-take-all within most states to be
messed up. Here are 2 reasons to prefer winner-take-all:

1. If states allocate their Electoral College delegates proportionally, then every state
would be a campaign battleground. The cost of campaigning would be much greater.

2. There would be an incentive to ask for recounts in all states.

What I propose the states do is tweak the winner-take-all formula so that instead of a
sharp reversal when a candidate's total goes from 50% - 1 to 50% + 1, there'd be a linear
change within the 49% to 51% region. For instance, if a candidate receives 51% or more,
she'd win all the state's Electoral College votes. If she receives 50%, she'd win half
the state's EC votes. 50.5% would win 3/4 of the state's EC votes, etc. With a formula
like this, recounts within a state wouldn't swing the state's allocation by more than
about 1 EC vote, so there'd rarely be an incentive to ask for a recount.

That's not a general formulation; it assumed only 2 candidates competing. But it can
easily be generalized so that the allocation of EC votes would be linear when the top 2
candidates are close to each other, and otherwise all would be allocated to the top
candidate. (Apologies if I'm still being unclear.)
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Jan Kok
2006-04-24 01:26:32 UTC
Permalink
Post by Steve Eppley
Some people don't consider the Electoral College winner-take-all within most states
1. If states allocate their Electoral College delegates proportionally, then every state
would be a campaign battleground.
Well, the other side of that coin is that the "safe states" get
totally ignored. Is that fair?

However, if electors are allocated proportionally, state by state,
then small states with an odd number of electors would often still be
safe states. There are currently 8 states with 3 electors and 5
states with 5 electors. Also, small states with an even number of
electors, that are significantly biased away from a 50-50 D/R vote mix
would also be safe states. There are 5 states with 4 electors and 3
states with 6 electors.

So state-by-state proportional allocation might still result in some
states being safe and ignored. But probably there would be fewer such
safe states, and it would be a somewhat different set of states.
Post by Steve Eppley
The cost of campaigning would be much greater.
Oh, boo-hoo. :-) Maybe the major candidates would spend the same
amount of money, but just distribute the money more evenly across all
the states.

Meanwhile, the alternative candidates might concentrate their efforts
on the large states where they have some finite chance of picking up
some EC votes.

BTW, considering the hundreds of millions of $ spent on the
presidential elections, can you imagine the pressure that would fall
on the alternative party electors, if they held the balance of power?
I sure wouldn't want to be one of those electors!
Post by Steve Eppley
2. There would be an incentive to ask for recounts in all states.
Only if the EC votes were nearly tied.

With state-by-state proportional allocation, then there would be a
call for recounts only in those states that were close to a threshold
for changing the number of EC votes.

If the EC electors were allocated proportionally to the overall
popular vote, then, yes, there could be a call for recounts in all
states if the EC votes were nearly tied.
Post by Steve Eppley
What I propose the states do is tweak the winner-take-all formula so that instead of a
sharp reversal when a candidate's total goes from 50% - 1 to 50% + 1, there'd be a linear
change within the 49% to 51% region. For instance, if a candidate receives 51% or more,
she'd win all the state's Electoral College votes. If she receives 50%, she'd win half
the state's EC votes. 50.5% would win 3/4 of the state's EC votes, etc. With a formula
like this, recounts within a state wouldn't swing the state's allocation by more than
about 1 EC vote, so there'd rarely be an incentive to ask for a recount.
That's not a general formulation; it assumed only 2 candidates competing. But it can
easily be generalized so that the allocation of EC votes would be linear when the top 2
candidates are close to each other, and otherwise all would be allocated to the top
candidate. (Apologies if I'm still being unclear.)
Clear enough :-)

- Jan
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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-25 22:36:56 UTC
Permalink
Post by Steve Eppley
Post by Antonio Oneala
The electoral college already allows candidates to withdraw their support and give it
to other candidates.
...


A bit misleading - while the US Constitution does not forbid that particular activity,
it is MUCH less restrictive: "Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the
Legislature thereof may direct..."

In New York most slates of electors are nominated by party State Committees, presumably
expected to vote for the party's candidates for President and VP:
I was on such a slate once, without making any promises - apparently did not
matter for our third party had no danger of winning.
Four years later, without much danger of winning, we got more formal: We drafted
a pledge for electors to sign (to vote for our candidates if that mattered, to be free
from that promise if candidate had no chance to win, but to not vote for the enemy major
party anyway). Then potential electors signed and our slate was composed of those who
had already signed.

Seems like a Legislature that appointed a single slate of electors whose task, then, was
to study quality of available candidates and vote as they saw fit - would be inside the
rules.
Post by Steve Eppley
Post by Antonio Oneala
Actually, this is probably one of the main reasons the founders
wanted an electoral college. The main thing that messed up here was the at-large
allocation of votes that most states chose - therefore, a person with a plurality
usually gets a landslide in the college, and no redistribution is necessary.
-snip-
Some people don't consider the Electoral College winner-take-all within most states to be
1. If states allocate their Electoral College delegates proportionally, then every state
would be a campaign battleground. The cost of campaigning would be much greater.
HUH? Being a safe state is a disadvantage:
The candidate who does not have to make any promises to help win, can evade making
promises to that state that could be a problem later.
The candidate who is sure to lose need not make any possibly embarrassing promises
to that state.

BUT, such a state cannot afford to go proportional by itself - that would be a gift to
the losing candidate who presently gets no electoral votes from that state.
A constitutional amendment that made all states proportional would be a possibility.

Not clear just what effect all this has on cost of campaigning:
Proportional - need to campaign everywhere. for this can affect votes in every state.
Safe states - no need to invest money in safe states. However, can and must
campaign harder in swing states.

Fair accounting with more than two serious candidates needs proportional to make
electoral college count more like popular vote count.
Post by Steve Eppley
2. There would be an incentive to ask for recounts in all states.
Not really. You first consider which states tend to get different counts after recount.
Then you consider which states are best prospects for a profitable change:
Safe states: Don't waste time on safe states, but invest in others if worth the
effort.
Proportional: Populous states such as NY are good prospects. If a state such as
Alaska or Hawaii just barely offered enough votes for one member of electoral college,
recount is very unlikely to help - and could even lose that one.
Post by Steve Eppley
What I propose the states do is tweak the winner-take-all formula so that instead of a
sharp reversal when a candidate's total goes from 50% - 1 to 50% + 1, there'd be a linear
change within the 49% to 51% region. ...
Looks like a loser:
Many safe states remain such.
Swing states make the two percent a BIG issue for more contentions in recount, for
gaining one vote on a near tie has 50 times the effect of gaining one vote in the
proportional world.

Digging deeper, I see that Steve claims: "With a formula like this, recounts within a
state wouldn't swing the state's allocation by more than about 1 EC vote, so there'd
rarely be an incentive to ask for a recount." Disagreed:
Conceded that likely profit from one optimum recount shrinks.
BUT, needing N gains, likely need to recount more states to try to get there.

Note - Steve did recognize there could be more than two candidates, requiring more
detailed rules.
--
***@clarityconnect.com people.clarityconnect.com/webpages3/davek
Dave Ketchum 108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY 13827-1708 607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
If you want peace, work for justice.


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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-26 02:01:05 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
BUT, such a state cannot afford to go proportional by itself - that would be a gift to
the losing candidate who presently gets no electoral votes from that state.
A constitutional amendment that made all states proportional would be a possibility.
At any given time the electoral college and the all-or-nothing system
standard in nearly all states gives the party with a distributed
majority an advantage. This party will resist reform of the system,
and, since it is the party with a power edge, and since voting on
amendments to the constitution is similar: voting is state-by-state,
with each state all or nothing, and requires a three-fourths majority
of states for the amendment to pass, it is unlikely that such an
amendment, just like that, will succeed. This is a variation of the
general Persistence of Power Inequities Effect that I've described
many times: power inequities tend to be preserved, because removing
them removes power from those who enjoy an edge due to the inequity.

However, there is a point of vulnerability. In some states at some
times, the prevailing party actually does not have a majority, it
only has a plurality. It is possible that a coalition of the other
parties, independents, and some within the plurality party interested
in long-term equity, could outvote even a determined effort on the
part of the plurality party to block a reform. What could this reform
look like?

I was gratified to see, recently, proposals in the news that somewhat
resemble what I had earlier proposed: state-by-state action to reform
the College, in a way that does not disadvantage the state passing the reform.

It is clear that reforming simply one state, by itself, simply to
produce proportionality in that state's electors, would not be fair:
it could easily award the next election, unfairly, to the minority
party in that state, because the proportional electors would no
longer balance out non-proportional electors from other states. To
some extent, the present inequities, state by state, balance each other out.

However, a reform could be much more sophisticated. As one example:

A state could select electors pledged to vote in such a way as to
balance out the *national* Electoral College vote toward
proportionality. This could mean awarding all the electors, in fact,
to a side which did not win in the state, but this would only happen
if other states were disproportional in the opposite direction. It
appears that the Constitution allows just about any method of
choosing electors that a state wishes to follow: this, indeed, is the
source of the problem, for it led inevitably to all-or-nothing, since
that benefited the majority party in each state.

If a Uniform Elector Pledge Code were written, it could provide
effective coordination of state-chosen electors in such a way that,
if adopted by all states, the result would be an Electoral College
vote proportional, quite closely, to the popular vote.

Personally, though, I would do something entirely different. I would
suggest that electors run for office. Personally. I would take the
Presidential candidates off the ballot entirely. I would use the
College much more closely to how it was originally intended! What
would be on the ballot would be the names of the electors. Not the
names of those whom they have pledged to support.

And then I would use something like Asset Voting to actually choose
the final electors, so that they would be, effectively, proxies for
the voters of the state. Asset Voting, ultimately, could sidestep the
party system, independents would have a real chance of being elected
as electors.

This would make the vote in the Electoral College something that
could not be predicted until it actually voted.... which, again, is
how it was designed!

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Dan Bishop
2006-04-26 03:02:48 UTC
Permalink
Abd ul-Rahman Lomax wrote:
...
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
Personally, though, I would do something entirely different. I would
suggest that electors run for office. Personally. I would take the
Presidential candidates off the ballot entirely. I would use the
College much more closely to how it was originally intended! What
would be on the ballot would be the names of the electors. Not the
names of those whom they have pledged to support.
A good idea, but how would you prevent it from once again degenerating
into the "vote for electors who will vote for (candidate)" system?
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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-26 12:35:50 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dan Bishop
A good idea, but how would you prevent it from once again degenerating
into the "vote for electors who will vote for (candidate)" system?
If that is what the people want, that is what they will get. However,
we don't allow candidates to put campaign promises on the ballot, why
allow electors to state on the ballot whom they will vote for?

We do allow party affiliations to be on the ballot: indeed, that is,
in my view, a bad idea. It encourages "I don't care who this bozo is,
he's my bozo -- says so right here on the ballot -- so I'll vote for
him." But, of course, parties are generally for it. Giving
independents a serious disadvantage, which is how they like it.

If Asset Voting were used to pick electors, it would become practical
for people to write in anyone they choose; as long as that person was
willing to serve, at least in the vote redistribution, the vote would
not be wasted as it certainly will be at present. You can write in a
Presidential vote, right now, but who becomes the elector? Even if an
elector has been named, officially, do we know who that elector would
vote for if freed in a second round? Clearly, in a functioning
electoral college, the identity and character of the electors would
be important. It has been made irrelevant by the present system,
which has reduced the electoral college, almost totally --except for
circumstances which have not happened for, what, more than 100 years?
-- to a weird vote-counting method.

I'm not against parties, not at all, but I am against continuing a
system which *requires* party affiliation, under nearly all
circumstances, to have any chance of election. This creates
representatives who are beholden to parties rather than to the people
as a whole, thus amplifying polarization.

There is, of course, a way around all this, and it is now up and
running, an application of FA/DP concepts to politics:

http://metaparty.beyondpolitics.org

If even a relatively small people participate, I predict, it will
work. Surprisingly small.



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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-27 05:06:03 UTC
Permalink
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
Post by Dave Ketchum
BUT, such a state cannot afford to go proportional by itself - that would be a gift to
the losing candidate who presently gets no electoral votes from that state.
A constitutional amendment that made all states proportional would be a possibility.
At any given time the electoral college and the all-or-nothing system
standard in nearly all states gives the party with a distributed
majority an advantage. This party will resist reform of the system,
and, since it is the party with a power edge, and since voting on
amendments to the constitution is similar: voting is state-by-state,
with each state all or nothing, and requires a three-fourths majority
of states for the amendment to pass, it is unlikely that such an
amendment, just like that, will succeed. This is a variation of the
general Persistence of Power Inequities Effect that I've described
many times: power inequities tend to be preserved, because removing
them removes power from those who enjoy an edge due to the inequity.
Echoing what I said above:
Neither TX nor NY can afford to go proportional alone.
Proposing that both go together looks much better.
As you note, an amendment does not require approval by ALL states.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
However, there is a point of vulnerability. In some states at some
times, the prevailing party actually does not have a majority, it
only has a plurality. It is possible that a coalition of the other
parties, independents, and some within the plurality party interested
in long-term equity, could outvote even a determined effort on the
part of the plurality party to block a reform. What could this reform
look like?
I was gratified to see, recently, proposals in the news that somewhat
resemble what I had earlier proposed: state-by-state action to reform
the College, in a way that does not disadvantage the state passing the reform.
It is clear that reforming simply one state, by itself, simply to
it could easily award the next election, unfairly, to the minority
party in that state, because the proportional electors would no
longer balance out non-proportional electors from other states. To
some extent, the present inequities, state by state, balance each other out.
A state could select electors pledged to vote in such a way as to
balance out the *national* Electoral College vote toward
proportionality. This could mean awarding all the electors, in fact,
to a side which did not win in the state, but this would only happen
if other states were disproportional in the opposite direction. It
appears that the Constitution allows just about any method of
choosing electors that a state wishes to follow: this, indeed, is the
source of the problem, for it led inevitably to all-or-nothing, since
that benefited the majority party in each state.
You did not explain how any state would agree to such destructive action.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
If a Uniform Elector Pledge Code were written, it could provide
effective coordination of state-chosen electors in such a way that,
if adopted by all states, the result would be an Electoral College
vote proportional, quite closely, to the popular vote.
Personally, though, I would do something entirely different. I would
suggest that electors run for office. Personally. I would take the
Presidential candidates off the ballot entirely. I would use the
College much more closely to how it was originally intended! What
would be on the ballot would be the names of the electors. Not the
names of those whom they have pledged to support.
If the electors are to perform as originally intended there is no point to
their getting elected by the people - the legislature can appoint those
who will meet as a committee and interview prospective candidates. There
is nothing in this for electors to campaign intelligently.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
And then I would use something like Asset Voting to actually choose
the final electors, so that they would be, effectively, proxies for
the voters of the state. Asset Voting, ultimately, could sidestep the
party system, independents would have a real chance of being elected
as electors.
This would make the vote in the Electoral College something that
could not be predicted until it actually voted.... which, again, is
how it was designed!
--
***@clarityconnect.com people.clarityconnect.com/webpages3/davek
Dave Ketchum 108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY 13827-1708 607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
If you want peace, work for justice.


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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-27 13:00:29 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
It appears that the Constitution allows just about any method of
choosing electors that a state wishes to follow: this, indeed, is
the source of the problem, for it led inevitably to all-or-nothing,
since that benefited the majority party in each state.
You did not explain how any state would agree to such destructive action.
I did not explain "how" since I thought it obvious: whenever a party
has a clear majority in a state, it is in its interest to assign all
its electors to that party. This is done by the legislature, i.e., by
politicians, it does not require any action by the people directly.
So it is easy for a strong party to put such a thing through. And
then to remove it requires a majority in the other direction, but
this time a majority that may be voting against its own interest, and
it is not only against its own interest, if it is done in a simple
way, to move back to proportional representation on the college, but
it is also, because of the status quo with other states, against the
public interest as well, for it reduces the balancing effect, leaving
those states assigning all-or-nothing having an edge in influence
over the final result.

Now, I assumed that Mr. Ketchum was referring to the original
implementation of such legislation, state-by-state. States *did* do
this, it is not speculation.

Why would a state, then, take the plunge and reform the system on its
own? Well, if the proposal were a pledge system, where electors were
pledged to vote according to a formula that acts to balance the
overall result toward proportionality, this, under certain
circumstances, will act to benefit the minority parties. How could
the minority parties accomplish this against the interest of the
"majority party?"

The necessary circumstance is that the sum of those voters supporting
all of the lesser parties, plus those voters affliated with the
majority party who want to end the inequity without unfairly harming
their own party, is a plurality. I think there are quite a few states
in this situation.

But it would take an organized effort, and it would have to be an
effort that was not, in itself, affiliated with any party at all. The
effort would have to be, in appearance and in reality, non-political,
its goal would have to be fairness and nothing else. Not to help this
or that specific party.

Ahem. Metaparty.beyondpolitics.org is an example of this kind of
organization. But there might be other possibilities.

Note that the only cirumstance under which this kind of measure would
harm the major party would be one in which the major party would
otherwise win against the popular vote. That is rare, and there are
plenty of people affiliated with major parties who strongly dislike
winning in such a way. For one thing, ultimately, it tends to
backfire. But a lot of damage can be done in the meantime.
Post by Dave Ketchum
If the electors are to perform as originally intended there is no
point to their getting elected by the people - the legislature can
appoint those who will meet as a committee and interview prospective
candidates. There is nothing in this for electors to campaign intelligently.
There is nothing in any election law that provides for candidates to
campaign intelligently....

The legislature can do whatever it likes, within the bounds of the
state and federal constitution. If the measure, which would
presumably be a constitutional initiative, provided for public
election of the electors, and that only the names of the electors
would appear on the ballot, this could not easily be subverted by the
legislature in a state close to balance between the major parties.

As *I* would draft it, the initiative would specify that the electors
would appear on the ballot without party or other affiliations. Don't
you think that they would campaign? They would have the money, those
likely to support a major party candidate, it would come from the
national campaigns of those parties, among other sources. But
independents would, under this system, have a shot at winning,
whereas now, they have none at all.

Readers should know by now that I consider elections, in themselves,
to be anti-democratic under most circumstances. Representation should
be a right, not something to contest others over. Business figured
out how to do this a long time ago, and, interestingly, the business
solution is similar to the original intention of the Electoral
College; but a compromise in the Constitutional Convention led to,
effectively, representation of the state legislatures on the College,
not representation of the people. We must remember that democracy was
a suspect thing at the time of the Convention, and strong
anti-democratic traditions continued well into the last century, and,
indeed, to some extent, continue today. And today's institutions are
still heavily marked by these traditions.

It should also be understood that the campaign to reform a state's
assignment of electors should itself be conducted, in my view,
democratically. That is, the form of the amendment should not be
something fixed in advance, but should be created through
deliberative process with wide participation. My suggestion is just
that: a suggestion. A good process with wide participation is likely
to come up with something much better. To me, the key is to begin
that process, not to immediately start working on a very specific
proposal. Proposals like mine (and a somewhat similar one which has
received press attention recently) should only serve as an example of
what *might* be done, i.e., as a sign that there is light at the end
of the tunnel, making it worthwhile to explore further.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Dave Ketchum 108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY 13827-1708 607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
If you want peace, work for justice.
And if you want justice, don't just sit there. You will have to act.
Reading, alone, is not going to cut through the fog that keeps us disempowered.

But it is my contention that it is not necessary for everyone to pour
their lives into reform. Collectively, were we organized, it would be
*easy* to reform the system. So the question boils down to how we can
organize, in a way that does not fall into the pitfalls that have
trapped similar efforts in the past. FA/DP is one answer; there may
be others, but we won't have *anything* if we don't start recognizing
the real problem instead of tilting at symptoms, no matter how
outrageous the latter might be. By all means, treat the symptoms, but
don't neglect the disease itself.

By the way, Mr. Eppley, as to myself, Page House, 1961-1963. Don't
you wish there were steam tunnels *everywhere*?


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Dave Ketchum
2006-05-03 18:29:31 UTC
Permalink
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
A state could select electors pledged to vote in such a way as to
balance out the *national* Electoral College vote toward
proportionality. This could mean awarding all the electors, in fact,
to a side which did not win in the state, but this would only happen
if other states were disproportional in the opposite direction.
It appears that the Constitution allows just about any method of
choosing electors that a state wishes to follow: this, indeed, is
the source of the problem, for it led inevitably to all-or-nothing,
since that benefited the majority party in each state.
You did not explain how any state would agree to such destructive action.
Presently, with a couple small state exceptions, each state awards all its
votes to the candidate doing best in that state.

Above you propose one state volunteering to award its votes based on a
formula that could cause the winner to change from the candidate that that
state's voters voted for to a different candidate.

I would not expect any state to volunteer to obey such a formula.

What I see below is mechanics of such volunteering, but nothing convincing
as to what would get a state to agree to do it.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
I did not explain "how" since I thought it obvious: whenever a party
has a clear majority in a state, it is in its interest to assign all
its electors to that party. This is done by the legislature, i.e., by
politicians, it does not require any action by the people directly.
So it is easy for a strong party to put such a thing through. And
then to remove it requires a majority in the other direction, but
this time a majority that may be voting against its own interest, and
it is not only against its own interest, if it is done in a simple
way, to move back to proportional representation on the college, but
it is also, because of the status quo with other states, against the
public interest as well, for it reduces the balancing effect, leaving
those states assigning all-or-nothing having an edge in influence
over the final result.
Now, I assumed that Mr. Ketchum was referring to the original
implementation of such legislation, state-by-state. States *did* do
this, it is not speculation.
Why would a state, then, take the plunge and reform the system on its
own? Well, if the proposal were a pledge system, where electors were
pledged to vote according to a formula that acts to balance the
overall result toward proportionality, this, under certain
circumstances, will act to benefit the minority parties. How could
the minority parties accomplish this against the interest of the
"majority party?"
The necessary circumstance is that the sum of those voters supporting
all of the lesser parties, plus those voters affliated with the
majority party who want to end the inequity without unfairly harming
their own party, is a plurality. I think there are quite a few states
in this situation.
But it would take an organized effort, and it would have to be an
effort that was not, in itself, affiliated with any party at all. The
effort would have to be, in appearance and in reality, non-political,
its goal would have to be fairness and nothing else. Not to help this
or that specific party.
Ahem. Metaparty.beyondpolitics.org is an example of this kind of
organization. But there might be other possibilities.
Note that the only cirumstance under which this kind of measure would
harm the major party would be one in which the major party would
otherwise win against the popular vote. That is rare, and there are
plenty of people affiliated with major parties who strongly dislike
winning in such a way. For one thing, ultimately, it tends to
backfire. But a lot of damage can be done in the meantime.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
If the electors are to perform as originally intended there is no
point to their getting elected by the people - the legislature can
appoint those who will meet as a committee and interview prospective
candidates. There is nothing in this for electors to campaign
intelligently.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
There is nothing in any election law that provides for candidates to
campaign intelligently....
There is a difference:
A candidate campaigns promising actions if elected - trouble enough,
but there can be hope.
An elector campaigns claiming to know how to select a satisfactory
candidate - making it even more difficult for the voter to sort out
getting the best candidate via picking an elector.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
The legislature can do whatever it likes, within the bounds of the
state and federal constitution. If the measure, which would
presumably be a constitutional initiative, provided for public
election of the electors, and that only the names of the electors
would appear on the ballot, this could not easily be subverted by the
legislature in a state close to balance between the major parties.
As *I* would draft it, the initiative would specify that the electors
would appear on the ballot without party or other affiliations. Don't
you think that they would campaign? They would have the money, those
likely to support a major party candidate, it would come from the
national campaigns of those parties, among other sources. But
independents would, under this system, have a shot at winning,
whereas now, they have none at all.
Readers should know by now that I consider elections, in themselves,
to be anti-democratic under most circumstances. Representation should
be a right, not something to contest others over. Business figured
out how to do this a long time ago, and, interestingly, the business
solution is similar to the original intention of the Electoral
College; but a compromise in the Constitutional Convention led to,
effectively, representation of the state legislatures on the College,
not representation of the people. We must remember that democracy was
a suspect thing at the time of the Convention, and strong
anti-democratic traditions continued well into the last century, and,
indeed, to some extent, continue today. And today's institutions are
still heavily marked by these traditions.
Another detail is that it WAS NOT POSSIBLE for candidates to have the
contact with the voters that is now expected.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
It should also be understood that the campaign to reform a state's
assignment of electors should itself be conducted, in my view,
democratically. That is, the form of the amendment should not be
something fixed in advance, but should be created through
deliberative process with wide participation. My suggestion is just
that: a suggestion. A good process with wide participation is likely
to come up with something much better. To me, the key is to begin
that process, not to immediately start working on a very specific
proposal. Proposals like mine (and a somewhat similar one which has
received press attention recently) should only serve as an example of
what *might* be done, i.e., as a sign that there is light at the end
of the tunnel, making it worthwhile to explore further.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
Dave Ketchum 108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY 13827-1708 607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
If you want peace, work for justice.
And if you want justice, don't just sit there. You will have to act.
Reading, alone, is not going to cut through the fog that keeps us disempowered.
But it is my contention that it is not necessary for everyone to pour
their lives into reform. Collectively, were we organized, it would be
*easy* to reform the system. So the question boils down to how we can
organize, in a way that does not fall into the pitfalls that have
trapped similar efforts in the past. FA/DP is one answer; there may
be others, but we won't have *anything* if we don't start recognizing
the real problem instead of tilting at symptoms, no matter how
outrageous the latter might be. By all means, treat the symptoms, but
don't neglect the disease itself.
By the way, Mr. Eppley, as to myself, Page House, 1961-1963. Don't
you wish there were steam tunnels *everywhere*?
--
***@clarityconnect.com people.clarityconnect.com/webpages3/davek
Dave Ketchum 108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY 13827-1708 607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
If you want peace, work for justice.



----
election-methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-05-03 19:10:41 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
Presently, with a couple small state exceptions, each state awards all its
votes to the candidate doing best in that state.
Yes.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Above you propose one state volunteering to award its votes based on a
formula that could cause the winner to change from the candidate that that
state's voters voted for to a different candidate.
Yes.
Post by Dave Ketchum
I would not expect any state to volunteer to obey such a formula.
Such an action could be favored by a majority of voters in the state.
Not in all states. I would not expect states where this was not true
to adopt the reform easily.

Note that there is a current reform movement that would do exactly
this, it's been getting quite a bit of press, and it has Republican
and Democratic politicians behind it. This is a similar proposal, but
it basically bypasses the electoral college as a true part of the
process; if successful, the college would become a rubber stamp for
the popular vote. Almost always.

This other proposal has a state decide to select its electors as
pledged to vote according to the national popular vote.

The problem with a single state reforming to select electors
proportionally to the vote is that this could have the effect of
awarding the election to a candidate who was *not* the popular vote
winner. This has been the big obstacle.

Both my proposed reform and the currently active reform movement
(essentially a compact between states, to become effective when
enough states have joined such that a majority of electors will be so
generated) involve using the pledged elector system -- clearly
constitutional -- to eliminate the widely acknowledged inequity in
the existing system.

So what if some states resist? *All it takes is enough states to
create an electoral college majority.*

And the reform under way, in some senses, is better than what I
proposed: it is fine-grained, since it produces an election result
without depending on state electoral college assignments.

What remains, however, is what happens if the electors actually have
to vote; for example, the winner dies before the election. Who would
they vote for? Or the popular vote is unclear. How would the electors
determine the vote.

A good initiative would consider all these things. My preference is
to keep the deliberative College as it was designed. Among other
things, the College could create Condorcet results, properly
constituted. But that's also possible in this popular reform, for how
the winner of the popular vote is determined might not be the
simpleplurality winner. What if overvoting were allowed and the
winner were the plurality winner under those circumstances? But I'm
not sure it would be tactically worth complicating things at this
point. The point is that what has traditionally been considered
politically impossible, reforming the College, actually could be
relatively easy. "Relatively" is used advisedly.

It is not at all clear which party, if any, would be favored by this
change. Many of the sponsors are Republicans.... but I don't think
this means that they think it would favor their party.
Post by Dave Ketchum
What I see below is mechanics of such volunteering, but nothing convincing
as to what would get a state to agree to do it.
As an initiative, a majority of voters could implement it. This would
be easier if a majority of voters were affiliated with other than the
plurality party, which situation does exist in some states. And
because, as constituted, the reforms do not injure the popular vote
winner, many supporters of the majority party might approve of it as
well. It's not really against their party, it is only against
candidates winning who did not win the popular vote.

It's actually pretty clear, Dave. Please tell me why, if you think it
is the case, a state, under the conditions I mentioned, would *not*
want to implement this?

Remember the conditions under which it would make a difference: A
candidate wins in the state, but loses in the popular vote. A
candidate might be winning in the state with less than a majority of
the popular vote, easily. And quite possibly a majority of voters
would prefer the alternate winner, who only lost in that state
because of vote-splitting.

There is no reason to suppose that this would injure a particular
party, and it would be done long in advance of an actual election.
Post by Dave Ketchum
A candidate campaigns promising actions if elected - trouble enough,
but there can be hope.
An elector campaigns claiming to know how to select a satisfactory
candidate - making it even more difficult for the voter to sort out
getting the best candidate via picking an elector.
An elector need not make campaign promises at all. The idea elector
is simply someone who is widely considered trustworthy. Dave's
thinking here is based on the idea that the voter is trying to
determine, directly, the ultimate outcome. But that is actually an
impossible goal. Determining a member of the set of people who then
determine the winner is a more realizable goal.

I actually think that candidates would make good electors. What if
candidates could directly receive a state's electoral votes, as
electors? (This would mean that non-state residents would have to be
eligible, and it would mean that a single person might be exercising
more than one state's votes, but it would solve this alleged "sorting
out" problem. Vote for the candidate you prefer, your vote will not be wasted!
Post by Dave Ketchum
Another detail [in the original conception] is that it WAS NOT
POSSIBLE for candidates to have the
contact with the voters that is now expected.
What a joke! How much contact does, say, GW Bush have with me? This
"contact" is an illusion, a one-way presentation of a carefully
crafted image....

If you actually use the College, the College could meet with the
candidates, face-to-face. It could interview them. I think one of the
basic defects in our democracy is the lack of deliberative process in
elections....

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Dave Ketchum
2006-05-04 02:15:26 UTC
Permalink
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
Post by Dave Ketchum
Presently, with a couple small state exceptions, each state awards all its
votes to the candidate doing best in that state.
Yes.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Above you propose one state volunteering to award its votes based on a
formula that could cause the winner to change from the candidate that that
state's voters voted for to a different candidate.
Yes.
Post by Dave Ketchum
I would not expect any state to volunteer to obey such a formula.
Such an action could be favored by a majority of voters in the state.
Not in all states. I would not expect states where this was not true to
adopt the reform easily.
HOW do you get a majority of voters in a state to volunteer to let anyone
other than whoever they voted for become winner???
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
Note that there is a current reform movement that would do exactly this,
it's been getting quite a bit of press, and it has Republican and
Democratic politicians behind it. This is a similar proposal, but it
basically bypasses the electoral college as a true part of the process;
if successful, the college would become a rubber stamp for the popular
vote. Almost always.
To change the law for the whole nation is a possibility - assuming a
sensible proposal can be agreed to.

Also leads to MASS RECOUNTING anytime you get near a tie.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
This other proposal has a state decide to select its electors as pledged
to vote according to the national popular vote.
The problem with a single state reforming to select electors
proportionally to the vote is that this could have the effect of
awarding the election to a candidate who was *not* the popular vote
winner. This has been the big obstacle.
Both my proposed reform and the currently active reform movement
(essentially a compact between states, to become effective when enough
states have joined such that a majority of electors will be so
generated) involve using the pledged elector system -- clearly
constitutional -- to eliminate the widely acknowledged inequity in the
existing system.
So what if some states resist? *All it takes is enough states to create
an electoral college majority.*
And the reform under way, in some senses, is better than what I
proposed: it is fine-grained, since it produces an election result
without depending on state electoral college assignments.
What remains, however, is what happens if the electors actually have to
vote; for example, the winner dies before the election. Who would they
vote for? Or the popular vote is unclear. How would the electors
determine the vote.
A good initiative would consider all these things. My preference is to
keep the deliberative College as it was designed. Among other things,
the College could create Condorcet results, properly constituted. But
that's also possible in this popular reform, for how the winner of the
popular vote is determined might not be the simpleplurality winner. What
if overvoting were allowed and the winner were the plurality winner
under those circumstances? But I'm not sure it would be tactically worth
complicating things at this point. The point is that what has
traditionally been considered politically impossible, reforming the
College, actually could be relatively easy. "Relatively" is used advisedly.
You write "initiative" as an available tool. Where is this true?
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
It is not at all clear which party, if any, would be favored by this
change. Many of the sponsors are Republicans.... but I don't think this
means that they think it would favor their party.
Post by Dave Ketchum
What I see below is mechanics of such volunteering, but nothing convincing
as to what would get a state to agree to do it.
As an initiative, a majority of voters could implement it. This would be
easier if a majority of voters were affiliated with other than the
plurality party, which situation does exist in some states. And because,
as constituted, the reforms do not injure the popular vote winner, many
supporters of the majority party might approve of it as well. It's not
really against their party, it is only against candidates winning who
did not win the popular vote.
It's actually pretty clear, Dave. Please tell me why, if you think it is
the case, a state, under the conditions I mentioned, would *not* want to
implement this?
Remember the conditions under which it would make a difference: A
candidate wins in the state, but loses in the popular vote. A candidate
might be winning in the state with less than a majority of the popular
vote, easily. And quite possibly a majority of voters would prefer the
alternate winner, who only lost in that state because of vote-splitting.
There is no reason to suppose that this would injure a particular party,
and it would be done long in advance of an actual election.
Post by Dave Ketchum
A candidate campaigns promising actions if elected - trouble enough,
but there can be hope.
An elector campaigns claiming to know how to select a satisfactory
candidate - making it even more difficult for the voter to sort out
getting the best candidate via picking an elector.
An elector need not make campaign promises at all. The idea elector is
simply someone who is widely considered trustworthy. Dave's thinking
here is based on the idea that the voter is trying to determine,
directly, the ultimate outcome. But that is actually an impossible goal.
Determining a member of the set of people who then determine the winner
is a more realizable goal.
How, other than campaigning, does a voter sort out which elector
candidates qualify as "trustworthy"?
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
I actually think that candidates would make good electors. What if
candidates could directly receive a state's electoral votes, as
electors? (This would mean that non-state residents would have to be
eligible, and it would mean that a single person might be exercising
more than one state's votes, but it would solve this alleged "sorting
out" problem. Vote for the candidate you prefer, your vote will not be wasted!
Post by Dave Ketchum
Another detail [in the original conception] is that it WAS NOT
POSSIBLE for candidates to have the
contact with the voters that is now expected.
What a joke! How much contact does, say, GW Bush have with me? This
"contact" is an illusion, a one-way presentation of a carefully crafted
image....
Whatever you call it, Bush has a lot more possibilities than Thomas
Jefferson could possibly manage.
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
If you actually use the College, the College could meet with the
candidates, face-to-face. It could interview them. I think one of the
basic defects in our democracy is the lack of deliberative process in
elections...
This use of the college is what would have been possible per the

Constitution - even candidates meeting with electors in multiple places.
--
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Dave Ketchum 108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY 13827-1708 607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
If you want peace, work for justice.



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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-05-04 13:24:54 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
HOW do you get a majority of voters in a state to volunteer to let anyone
other than whoever they voted for become winner???
You think. Seems to be a severe shortage of thinking....

State Vote in Presidential Election:
Bush: 48+
Gore: 48
Green: 4

Oversimplified, of course.

Bush under the present system will win all the electoral votes. But a
majority of voters would prefer, it might be true, Gore. These voters
would be quite pleased to see this reform. And they may well be in
the majority.

However, note that the system which is actually now before state
legislatures in more than one place sets up a compact. It does not
take effect unless enough states ratify it to constitute an electoral
college majority.

Consider this:
Gore: 60
Bush: 35
Green: 5

Let's say that this is a large state. It's got lots of electoral
votes. In this particular election, though, the peculiar composition
of the college awards the election to Bush.

Don't you think that the voters in this state would approve this
Compact? *They can't lose*

Not even the Bush people clearly lose, because we don't know what
will happen in the next election. As the promoters of the compact
have said, 60,000 votes in Ohio could have given 2004 to Gore, in
spite of the turnaround that Bush would still have won the popular vote.

No, I think it is a brilliant idea, and one which apparently has
created a lot of buzz and the introduction of actual legistlation.
It's got money behind it, a major donor.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
Note that there is a current reform movement that would do exactly this,
it's been getting quite a bit of press, and it has Republican and
Democratic politicians behind it. This is a similar proposal, but it
basically bypasses the electoral college as a true part of the process;
if successful, the college would become a rubber stamp for the popular
vote. Almost always.
To change the law for the whole nation is a possibility - assuming a
sensible proposal can be agreed to.
Also leads to MASS RECOUNTING anytime you get near a tie.
Depends on the details. We deal with the so-called "mass recounting"
issue in every other election.

This reform does *not* require any national legislation at all. It
will happen when a majority of states, counting electoral votes,
approve it. That could be as little as eleven states!

Of course, it will leave in place all the problems with plurality.
I'd try to get Approval going at the same time, and Approval is
*also* a state-by-state issue.
Post by Dave Ketchum
You write "initiative" as an available tool. Where is this true?
California is an example. Also Colorado, I know. I think there are
many others. But this particular reform seems to have substantial
support in the legislatures. It just passed the Colorado Senate.
We'll know soon.
Post by Dave Ketchum
How, other than campaigning, does a voter sort out which elector
candidates qualify as "trustworthy"?
Depends on the system. Campaigning is one method, a very poor one,
because it is easily manipulable by special interests. Perhaps you
know the person personally. That's actually what I'm trying to set
up, but it requires some ... changes. Proxy and proxy-like systems
won't necessarily, by themselves, solve this problem. But they do
make it possible. The key is that they don't waste votes, so small
candidacies aren't essentially suicidal for the candidates and for
those who vote for thems.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
What a joke! How much contact does, say, GW Bush have with me? This
"contact" is an illusion, a one-way presentation of a carefully crafted
image....
Whatever you call it, Bush has a lot more possibilities than Thomas
Jefferson could possibly manage.
Sure. Obviously, this is why our Republic is currently so successful....
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
If you actually use the College, the College could meet with the
candidates, face-to-face. It could interview them. I think one of the
basic defects in our democracy is the lack of deliberative process in
elections...
This use of the college is what would have been possible per the
Constitution - even candidates meeting with electors in multiple places.
Yes. So the question is how you choose the electors. If you choose
electors who are already pledged to candidates, there is no point.
The College has lost nearly all its function.

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Steve Eppley
2006-05-04 14:24:07 UTC
Permalink
Abd ul-Rahman Lomax wrote:
-snip-
However, note that the system which is actually now before state legislatures in more
than one place sets up a compact. It does not take effect unless enough states ratify
it to constitute an electoral college majority.
-snip-

Could Article I. Section 10 of the US Constitution interfere with that scheme?

"No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any duty
of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace,
enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State,
or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually
invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay."

I'm referring to the ban against entering into any agreement or compact with another state
without the consent of Congress.

--Steve
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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-05-05 02:52:43 UTC
Permalink
Post by Steve Eppley
Could Article I. Section 10 of the US Constitution interfere with that scheme?
"No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any duty
of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace,
enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State,
or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually
invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay."
I'm referring to the ban against entering into any agreement or
compact with another state
without the consent of Congress.
This clause seems to be dealing with the war-making powers. I'd want
to know more about it and how it has been interpreted.

However, the so-called Compact is in some ways not a compact. Rather,
it sets up a method of selecting state electors and instructing them
that is conditional on other states doing the same. That is, if
enough other states pass the same law, the law becomes effective.
This is not an ordinary contract or compact. The state actions are
actually independent, in that one state could not sue another that it
did not follow the alleged agreement. Rather, each state simply looks
at the laws of the other states, and if they match the criteria in
the law that the state itself passed, it becomes effective *in that state.*

Each state is effectively making a legal judgement about the laws of
the other states. If the legislation is identically worded in all the
states, and it is clear and deals properly with the various
contingencies, each state would be able to know what rules the other
states would follow in an election. So it would work, and it does not
even violate this suggested interpretation of Article I, Section 10.

(Which I did not look up in writing this, I just accepted at face
value from Steve's post.)

So I don't think that this requires Congressional approval. If it
did, however, that would not be impossible. Remember, a majority of
electoral votes make this Compact come into effect. I think that
voting against it would be political suicide. Telling an electoral
college majority that they can't use their power to elect the President....

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Steve Eppley
2006-05-05 14:32:02 UTC
Permalink
Post by Steve Eppley
Could Article I. Section 10 of the US Constitution interfere with that scheme?
"No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any duty
of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace,
enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State,
or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually
invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay."
I'm referring to the ban against entering into any agreement or
compact with another state without the consent of Congress.
This clause seems to be dealing with the war-making powers. I'd want to
know more about it and how it has been interpreted.
And then, of course, there's the question of whether 5 Supreme Court justices would
interpret it when ruling on this scheme.
However, the so-called Compact is in some ways not a compact. Rather, it
sets up a method of selecting state electors and instructing them that
is conditional on other states doing the same. That is, if enough other
states pass the same law, the law becomes effective. This is not an
ordinary contract or compact.
-snip-

I posted a similar scheme here several years ago, one which would have an effect much
sooner, not waiting until states containing a majority of the Electoral College agreed.
Suppose a state passed a law that would require it to include in its count of voters'
votes for President the votes of all voters in all states that passed the same law? It
could grow like a crystal, similarly to the way that the bloc of primary elections on
Super Tuesday grew: The states that join in might receive increased attention from the
Presidential candidates due to their combined weight. The more states that joined, the
greater would be the incentive for the remaining states to join.

Imagine that California adopted this law, by passing a citizens' initiative. California
at the moment is "safe" for mainstream Democrat candidates. Small "unsafe" states having
Democratic-controlled legislatures would then have an incentive to join with California.

The incentives and strategies are likely more complex than I'm making them appear to be,
though.

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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-05-05 17:35:08 UTC
Permalink
Post by Steve Eppley
And then, of course, there's the question of whether 5 Supreme Court justices would
interpret it when ruling on this scheme.
Supreme Law of the Land would appear to be the Supreme Court. There
is a higher court, but those who sit on it are fast asleep. 2000
showed that. Consider the Ukraine. Possible election fraud, the
people were in the streets and the government fell. However, maybe
the higher court is not *entirely* asleep and some are dreaming, with
some connection to reality....
Post by Steve Eppley
I posted a similar scheme here several years ago, one which would have an effect much
sooner, not waiting until states containing a majority of the
Electoral College agreed.
Suppose a state passed a law that would require it to include in its count of voters'
votes for President the votes of all voters in all states that
passed the same law? It
could grow like a crystal, similarly to the way that the bloc of primary elections on
Super Tuesday grew: The states that join in might receive increased attention from the
Presidential candidates due to their combined weight. The more
states that joined, the
greater would be the incentive for the remaining states to join.
Actually, my own proposal, which I think also appeared here, required
the state to act, in the interim condition before it was more widely
adopted, to award all electors as necessary to balance out the
college toward the popular vote (or, more accurately, to an overall
assignment of electors according to what it would be if the college
were elected by proportional representation -- possibly including the
small state edge, possibly not).

This would more quickly bring the College to proportionality, and
would be more flexible than the movement that is actually hitting
legislatures, which leaves the College as a rubber-stamp. Remember, a
majority on the electoral college is required, not a plurality. Get
some third-party electors in there and 2000 might have looked very
different. Doesn't have to be many.

We have no process, though, for broadly debating reforms like these.
What happens, essentially, is that somebody with money gets fired up
and starts a PAC, which follows the ideas of the funder. That's fine,
as far as it goes, but we need a broader process that isn't about money. Ahem.
Post by Steve Eppley
Imagine that California adopted this law, by passing a citizens' initiative. California
at the moment is "safe" for mainstream Democrat candidates. Small "unsafe" states having
Democratic-controlled legislatures would then have an incentive to join with California.
My point has been that there are conditions where the reform is
possible, if it is designed so that it can be implemented
state-by-state. This is actually using the system that created the
inequity in the first place, against it.

Eleven states, simple majorities in each. That is a lot less than
what I've heard for years would be necessary!

The devil is in the details. I haven't read the exact legislation
yet. What I've heard about it makes it into an even more effective
shut-out of third parties. Does this mean I'd oppose it? Probably
not. There is another way that third parties can become powerful,
mostly by not being so stupid to as actually field candidates unless
the time is ripe. Smaller parties can be far more effective as PACs
that are about money *and* votes *and volunteers. What if a Green
party in a state offered to work for the election of, say, a
Democratic candidate, providing funds and people and votes. In
exchange for access and influence over the selection of candidates --
not control, just influence -- and platforms. Some parties in some
states essentially run one of the major candidates as theirs. This
gives them ballot position, but their votes don't spoil the results.
That one may take legislation allowing more than one party to list
the same candidate. Simple. Initiatives like this expose who is
actually in favor of democracy and who is not....

FA/DP is, in my view, the way to do it, to organize these movements
and make them effective. Outside of government, no changes in law required.

http://metaparty.beyondpolitics.org

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Steve Eppley
2006-04-26 14:06:00 UTC
Permalink
Hi,
-snip-
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Steve Eppley
Some people don't consider the Electoral College winner-take-all
within most states to be messed up. Here are 2 reasons to prefer
1. If states allocate their Electoral College delegates
proportionally, then every state would be a campaign battleground.
The cost of campaigning would be much greater.
The candidate who does not have to make any promises to help win,
can evade making promises to that state that could be a problem later.
The candidate who is sure to lose need not make any possibly
embarrassing promises to that state.
First, that argument does not appear to address my point in #1 above about the increased
cost of campaigning if the Electoral College were allocated proportionally.

Second, I consider it an exaggeration to claim the candidates ignore the safe states. For
the most part, the issues the voters consider most important, and the voters' positions on
those issues, have a lot in common in the safe states and in the battleground states.

Third, I'm curious how one can distinguish between these two cases:

1.1 A candidate has a safe lock on some state, and therefore
does not pay much attention to the policies preferred by
the voters in that state.

1.2 A candidate has a safe lock on some state, and has been
paying so much attention to the policies preferred by the
voters in that state that that is why it is a safe state.

-snip-
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Steve Eppley
2. There would be an incentive to ask for recounts in all states.
Not really. You first consider which states tend to get different
counts after recount. Then you consider which states are best prospects
Safe states: Don't waste time on safe states, but invest in others
if worth the effort.
Proportional: Populous states such as NY are good prospects.
If a state such as Alaska or Hawaii just barely offered enough votes
for one member of electoral college, recount is very unlikely to
help - and could even lose that one.
I assume that by "safe states" Dave meant the states that are safe under winner-take-all,
since under proportional rules it would be rare for a state to be so safe that a recount
couldn't change the outcome there. He and I appear to be agreed that there is no point in
asking for a recount in safe states under winner-takes-all. In winner-take-all states,
the vote totals would need to be nearly tied for there to be a reason to believe a recount
would have any effect.

What I wrote in #2 above was only about states that are proportional.

Don't forget that what can lose an EC delegate for one candidate can gain one for the
other, so one or the other would have an incentive to ask for a recount there. True, in a
tiny safe state such as Hawaii or Wyoming, a recount is very unlikely to change the
outcome. So I should make a minor revision of my statement in #2. Instead of writing
there would be an incentive to ask for recounts in all states if all states were
proportional, I should have written there would be incentives to ask for recounts in
nearly all states, assuming the election was not a national landslide.

My point about proportional allocation leading to many recounts still stands.

I don't intend to dwell on the Electoral College. It currently is not a big problem. It
doesn't interfere with the ability to make a significant improvement in how the President
is elected, one which would lead to multiple candidates competing to be the best compromise.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Steve Eppley
What I propose the states do is tweak the winner-take-all formula so
that instead of a sharp reversal when a candidate's total goes from
50% - 1 to 50% + 1, there'd be a linear change within the 49% to 51%
region. ...
Many safe states remain such.
Swing states make the two percent a BIG issue for more contentions
in recount, for gaining one vote on a near tie has 50 times the effect
of gaining one vote in the proportional world.
How could gaining one vote gain more than one Electoral College delegate, assuming this
proposal were adopted? Voter turnout would have to be near zero in some state.

What were the various counts and recounts in Florida in 2000? The changes in the
candidates' percentages were tiny. It's implausible that a recount would gain more than
one EC delegate in any state.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Digging deeper, I see that Steve claims: "With a formula like this,
recounts within a state wouldn't swing the state's allocation by more
than about 1 EC vote, so there'd rarely be an incentive to ask for a
Conceded that likely profit from one optimum recount shrinks.
BUT, needing N gains, likely need to recount more states to try to get there.
The number of states in which a recount might make affect the state's Electoral College
allocation would be small in most elections. Few states would be in or near the 49% to
51% range.

The Electoral College totals before the recounts would have to be nearly tied, much closer
than under the current system, for recounts in those few states to have a chance to change
the outcome.

By the way, the range 49% to 51% that I proposed is not set in stone. If someone thinks a
smaller or slightly larger range would be better, I'd welcome hearing the reasons why.
Also, perhaps it would be better if the size of the range depends on the size of the state.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Note - Steve did recognize there could be more than two candidates,
requiring more detailed rules.
Not significantly more. If I gave the impression that more than 2 candidates might share
a state's EC delegates, that was unintentional, and I apologize for that. Here's the
general proposal:

The percentage of Electoral College delegates awarded by
a state to its leading candidate decreases incrementally
from 100% to 50% as the lead decreases from 2% to a tie.
The rest, if any, go to the candidate in second place.

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Dave Ketchum
2006-04-27 05:44:31 UTC
Permalink
Post by Steve Eppley
Hi,
-snip-
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Steve Eppley
Some people don't consider the Electoral College winner-take-all
within most states to be messed up. Here are 2 reasons to prefer
1. If states allocate their Electoral College delegates
proportionally, then every state would be a campaign battleground.
The cost of campaigning would be much greater.
The candidate who does not have to make any promises to help win,
can evade making promises to that state that could be a problem later.
The candidate who is sure to lose need not make any possibly
embarrassing promises to that state.
First, that argument does not appear to address my point in #1 above about the increased
cost of campaigning if the Electoral College were allocated proportionally.
Second, I consider it an exaggeration to claim the candidates ignore the safe states. For
the most part, the issues the voters consider most important, and the voters' positions on
those issues, have a lot in common in the safe states and in the battleground states.
Candidates have to cover national issue, which get heard everywhere.
Post by Steve Eppley
1.1 A candidate has a safe lock on some state, and therefore
does not pay much attention to the policies preferred by
the voters in that state.
1.2 A candidate has a safe lock on some state, and has been
paying so much attention to the policies preferred by the
voters in that state that that is why it is a safe state.
What one election does does not define safe states - in your second case
the candidate did not treat that state as safe.

Now come to NY, where the Dems have demonstrated ownership by winning the
last 5 elections. Having 31 EVs, this has to be why:
They do not bother to campaign here.
They do not bother to campaign about our local issues.

Try TX, with 34 EVs, where the Reps have demonstrated ownership for the
last 5 elections.
Post by Steve Eppley
-snip-
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Steve Eppley
2. There would be an incentive to ask for recounts in all states.
Not really. You first consider which states tend to get different
counts after recount. Then you consider which states are best prospects
Safe states: Don't waste time on safe states, but invest in others
if worth the effort.
Proportional: Populous states such as NY are good prospects.
If a state such as Alaska or Hawaii just barely offered enough votes
for one member of electoral college, recount is very unlikely to
help - and could even lose that one.
I assume that by "safe states" Dave meant the states that are safe under winner-take-all,
since under proportional rules it would be rare for a state to be so safe that a recount
couldn't change the outcome there. He and I appear to be agreed that there is no point in
asking for a recount in safe states under winner-takes-all. In winner-take-all states,
the vote totals would need to be nearly tied for there to be a reason to believe a recount
would have any effect.
What I wrote in #2 above was only about states that are proportional.
Don't forget that what can lose an EC delegate for one candidate can gain one for the
other, so one or the other would have an incentive to ask for a recount there. True, in a
tiny safe state such as Hawaii or Wyoming, a recount is very unlikely to change the
outcome. So I should make a minor revision of my statement in #2. Instead of writing
there would be an incentive to ask for recounts in all states if all states were
proportional, I should have written there would be incentives to ask for recounts in
nearly all states, assuming the election was not a national landslide.
My point about proportional allocation leading to many recounts still stands.
I don't intend to dwell on the Electoral College. It currently is not a big problem. It
doesn't interfere with the ability to make a significant improvement in how the President
is elected, one which would lead to multiple candidates competing to be the best compromise.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Steve Eppley
What I propose the states do is tweak the winner-take-all formula so
that instead of a sharp reversal when a candidate's total goes from
50% - 1 to 50% + 1, there'd be a linear change within the 49% to 51%
region. ...
Many safe states remain such.
Swing states make the two percent a BIG issue for more contentions
in recount, for gaining one vote on a near tie has 50 times the effect
of gaining one vote in the proportional world.
How could gaining one vote gain more than one Electoral College delegate, assuming this
proposal were adopted? Voter turnout would have to be near zero in some state.
I was talking about the power of one vote - not suggesting that that would
be huge.
Post by Steve Eppley
What were the various counts and recounts in Florida in 2000? The changes in the
candidates' percentages were tiny. It's implausible that a recount would gain more than
one EC delegate in any state.
With 25 EVs, 4% would be an EV, .08% or about 4750 for a state such as FL
near a tie with your modified proportional. Hard for a recount to change
more than that much, but worth a fight to try if the national total was
close to a tie.
Post by Steve Eppley
Post by Dave Ketchum
Digging deeper, I see that Steve claims: "With a formula like this,
recounts within a state wouldn't swing the state's allocation by more
than about 1 EC vote, so there'd rarely be an incentive to ask for a
Conceded that likely profit from one optimum recount shrinks.
BUT, needing N gains, likely need to recount more states to try to get there.
The number of states in which a recount might make affect the state's Electoral College
allocation would be small in most elections. Few states would be in or near the 49% to
51% range.
The Electoral College totals before the recounts would have to be nearly tied, much closer
than under the current system, for recounts in those few states to have a chance to change
the outcome.
By the way, the range 49% to 51% that I proposed is not set in stone. If someone thinks a
smaller or slightly larger range would be better, I'd welcome hearing the reasons why.
Also, perhaps it would be better if the size of the range depends on the size of the state.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Note - Steve did recognize there could be more than two candidates,
requiring more detailed rules.
Not significantly more. If I gave the impression that more than 2 candidates might share
a state's EC delegates, that was unintentional, and I apologize for that. Here's the
The percentage of Electoral College delegates awarded by
a state to its leading candidate decreases incrementally
from 100% to 50% as the lead decreases from 2% to a tie.
The rest, if any, go to the candidate in second place.
Now disagreed:
Who is third in a state could be a serious contender in others.
EVs for a minor candidate COULD be pledged as to who to vote for if
their primary candidate lost.
--
***@clarityconnect.com people.clarityconnect.com/webpages3/davek
Dave Ketchum 108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY 13827-1708 607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
If you want peace, work for justice.


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Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
2006-04-27 13:07:52 UTC
Permalink
Post by Dave Ketchum
Who is third in a state could be a serious contender in others.
Absolutely.
Post by Dave Ketchum
EVs for a minor candidate COULD be pledged as to who to vote for if
their primary candidate lost.
Yes. Or, alternatively, if it is the electors being trusted by the
public, themselves, rather than their pledges (pledges were *not*
part of the system as designed), I would presume that a trustworthy
elector would not waste his or her vote if the favorite candidate was
not going to win.

In my view, it is pledges which are a major part of the problem. If
an elector sees that a first-ballot victory is highly likely to go to
a least-favored candidate, why shouldn't that elector be free to vote
for the favorite of the top two?

Pledges are like pledged proxies, i.e., no better than remote voting.
The point of the College was to have a deliberative process,
something that was totally frustrated by the state legislatures,
acting, at each time, in the interest of the majority party in the
state. Cumulatively, as no action was taken to stop it, the states
rather quickly fell in line; by the end, it was a *necessity* to take
such action. Until and unless a better global solution came along.

And a plurality party is not motivated to fix the system. It would
take, as I explained, a coalition of parties and interests to do it,
with measures that are designed to ultimately produce the desired
effect (which is essentially a PR College) without doing harm along
the way. Constitutionally, this is quite possible.

All it takes is will.

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Steve Eppley
2006-04-27 20:30:26 UTC
Permalink
-snip-
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Steve Eppley
1.1 A candidate has a safe lock on some state, and therefore
does not pay much attention to the policies preferred by
the voters in that state.
1.2 A candidate has a safe lock on some state, and has been
paying so much attention to the policies preferred by the
voters in that state that that is why it is a safe state.
What one election does does not define safe states - in your second case
the candidate did not treat that state as safe.
I disagree with that definition of "safe." If the polls show a candidate will easily win
the upcoming election in a state without having to spend much in the way of campaign
resources or additional promises, the state is safe. If the polls predict a close
election, the state is not safe. Previous elections may correlate, but aren't nearly as
relevant as current polling to whether the candidate will spend significant campaign
resources or make additional promises.
Post by Dave Ketchum
Now come to NY, where the Dems have demonstrated ownership by winning
They do not bother to campaign here.
They do not bother to campaign about our local issues.
Neither of those implies the candidates ignore the safe state's voters' preferences on the
larger issues.

On local issues, the people can appeal to local government for redress. (Or, perhaps, to
folks like Alfonse D'Amato, who received the nickname "Senator Pothole" late in his career
by paying some attention to local New York issues.)

-snip-
Post by Dave Ketchum
Post by Steve Eppley
The percentage of Electoral College delegates awarded by
a state to its leading candidate decreases incrementally
from 100% to 50% as the lead decreases from 2% to a tie.
The rest, if any, go to the candidate in second place.
Who is third in a state could be a serious contender in others.
EVs for a minor candidate COULD be pledged as to who to vote for if
their primary candidate lost.
Refer to the voting method I mentioned on 4/22/2006, which launched this round of
discussion of the Electoral College:

Before election day, each candidate publishes a top-to-bottom
ordering of the candidates.
On election day, each voter selects one candidate.
After the voting, the totals are published.
Then candidates may choose whether to withdraw from contention.
Then each vote is counted for the non-withdrawn candidate who
is topmost in the ordering published by the selected candidate,
and the candidate with the largest count is elected.

Assume each state used this voting method to award its Electoral College delegates. There
would be strong incentives for candidates to withdraw in the case where that would prevent
fragmentation of the Electoral College and result in the election of a President they'd
prefer more.

Other good voting methods could also be modified to allow candidates to withdraw from
contention, at least in the context of Presidential / Electoral College elections.

So I see no reason why the existence of strong third candidates should cause us to change
my proposal for tweaking the winner-take-all Electoral College formula. It would be an
improvement over pure winner-take-all, regardless of whether the voting system as a whole
induces increased competition, by making it much rarer for recounts to have a chance of
changing the outcome.

By the way, nothing I've written implies I personally believe proportional allocation of
Electoral College delegates by all states would be much worse. I've merely pointed out
there are arguments on both sides of this (relatively unimportant) issue. For a more
thorough treatment of the issue, see Judith Best's book "In Defense of the Electoral College."

Now... can we please go back to discussing whether candidates would have sufficiently
strong incentives to rank compromise candidates over worse candidates, when publishing
their orderings before election day, assuming the voting method I repeated above?

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